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14 October 2020 | Story Prof Francis Petersen | Photo Sonia du Toit
Prof Francis Petersen.

It is a well-known fact that the South African economy was in deep trouble before the COVID-19 pandemic, with unsustainable levels of debt, a growing budget deficit, and an 8% projected contraction of the economy post the pandemic.  There is a clear realisation that the economy needs a recovery plan, with the significant expansion of productive employment opportunities for South Africans.  In fact, the Social Partners’ Economic Recovery Plan, coordinated by Nedlac, was developed to increase investor, consumer, and public confidence, and to turn the economy around in the short and medium term.  The plan provides specific interventions, and although the actions as specified are not new, it argues for ‘significant convergence among the Nedlac partners on what needs to be done to set our economy on a new accelerated, inclusive, and transformative growth trajectory’.  President Cyril Ramaphosa will present the plan to parliament this week.

The private sector, industry, and business are key components of the economy, primarily driven by manufacturing, financial services, transport, mining, agriculture, and tourism.  Although I believe that government can and should contribute to economic growth, the private sector, business, and industry are the components that will generate real growth in the economy.   Business for South Africa (B4SA) has pledged their commitment to work with the social partners to implement these action steps – and it needs to be emphasised that these interventions are not new!  However, the dilemma lies in the implementation of these actions in terms of inaction, urgency, and effectiveness.  Whether it is to address the energy crisis (more specifically, the security of energy supply), local manufacturing, supporting the recovery and growth of tourism, investment in the mining, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors, adversarial relationships, egos and political rhetoric needs to be replaced by collaboration, co-creation, and action.  


Lack of action threatens livelihoods

It is clear that the political, business, and societal spheres do not need more workshops, conversations, policies or plans – these are all available and known.  We need to build a capable state (which includes the architecture of the SOEs), introduce appropriate labour reform, corruption across all spheres of government, business, and social partners is unacceptable and need to be decisively addressed, policy and regulatory certainty and proper fiscal reform are required.  Why is it then so difficult to implement these if all stakeholders are in agreement, even if everyone is aware that lives and livelihoods are threatened every minute when these actions are not implemented?  Is it the lack of political will or lack of political leadership?  

Although B4SA also places emphasis on the implementation of these actions, I find the individual voices of industry, private sector, and business leaders absent. In my engagement with some of these leaders, they have stated that although their responsibilities are to their boards and shareholders, two sets of principles drive their business agenda: doing more with less (effectiveness and efficiency), and doing good while doing business (community upliftment through social performance), underpinned by a green focus.  Although international leaders in the mining industry, such as Mark Cutifani (Anglo American), Mark Bristow (Barrick), Mick Davis (ex-Xstrata), and many other business and industry leaders argue for foreign investment in South Africa, certainty in the country’s regulatory framework is required for this to materialise. 

A strong economy is also important for graduates 

It is obvious why the South African economy needs to recover, and that the existence of a strong private sector, industry, and business is critical in achieving this recovery.  From a higher education perspective, a powerful and effective educational experience is developed when academia and a strong private sector and industry work side by side.  Such a collaborative and co-created model results in breakthroughs and overall advancement of higher education institutions, business, and industry, and importantly – the students.  The continuous contraction of the South African economy further lends itself to the unemployment crisis, where the weak economic performance is not sufficient to create jobs in line with the population growth, which in itself presents a massive challenge for university graduates.  A strong focus on employability as part of the core business of a university, and the ability to equip graduates with the necessary skills to navigate the future world of work will remain crucial factors – not only now, but also in the coming years, and a relationship with a strong industry, private sector, and business is pivotal in driving this.

The financial model used in a South African (residential) university consists of three main income sources: (i) the state or government through a subsidy (the so-called ‘block grant’), (ii) tuition fees, and (iii) third-stream income (which is mainly a cost-recovery component from contract research, donations, and interest on university investments). The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) contributes to the tuition fees through a Department of Higher Education, Science and Innovation Bursary Scheme, providing fully subsidised free higher education and training to poor and working-class South Africans (recipients will typically be students from households with a combined income of less than R350 k per annum).  

Negative impact of COVID-19

The negative impact of COVID-19 on the income drivers of the university can be severe.  The subsidy from the state or government has already been cut, with potential further cuts in both the subsidy and specific earmarked funds. The pressure on income derived from tuition fees (that component which is not funded through NSFAS) will increase, as households would have been affected by the nationwide lockdown and the economy in deep recession, and a significant number of jobs would have been lost. The economic downturn, due to both COVID-19 and a sovereign downgrade by all rating agencies, has already negatively impacted local financial markets as well as the global economy. The multiplier effect of this would be that the value of investments and endowments would decrease, and philanthropic organisations and foundations would most probably reduce or even terminate ‘givings’ to universities.  Although industry, private sector, and business will re-assess their funding to universities, whether for research or bursary support, it is also an opportunity for such a strong sector to at least assist universities to ‘fill this financial gap’ in the short and medium term.  

Although, it is not expected that business and industry will just ‘fill this financial gap’ – institutions of higher learning need to argue and demonstrate a value proposition to these sectors.  COVID-19 has clearly demonstrated the focus of collaboration and co-creation among different stakeholders – these should be explored more concretely.  Should vice-chancellors (a representative of this group) not be part of BUSA or Business Leadership SA as a first step to bring higher education institutions and the different leaders of the economy closer?  Although COVID-19 has negatively impacted the financial position of the industry and business sectors, my assessment is that these sectors would recover faster than anticipated, but the effective and urgent implementation of a ‘state economic recovery plan’ is essential – every day that this implementation is stalled, it is affecting the country and its people severely.

Public-private partnerships key to economic growth

Government and the industry and business sector need to work together to foster economic growth – now more than ever.   The plans to achieve this are available – the implementation thereof, however, is lacking. A strong industry and business sector have major benefits for the country, among others, for the higher education sector. Let us not delay this further, political leadership needs to be decisive and the industry and business sector must continue to speak out – this sector is too important to be neglected.

Opinion article by Prof Francis Petersen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State and former executive of Anglo American Platinum.

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

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