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22 June 2021 | Story André Damons
Gig economy and Uber
Left: Associate Prof Denine Smit is a lecturer in the Department of Mercantile Law, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State (UFS) where she currently lectures several modules with her focus on Labour Law. Right: Mr Grey Stopforth is a lecturer in the UFS Department of Mercantile Law, Faculty of Law.

Opinion article by Associate Prof Denine Smit and Mr Grey Stopforth, Lecturer, Department of Mercantile Law, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State 

Introduction
The modern world of work is changing rapidly – to such an extent that by 2030, 65% of primary school learners will take up positions currently unknown to man. ‘Gig work’ is an umbrella term comprising three distinct types of services: capital platform work, crowd work, and app work. (Duggan et al. 2019:117) ‘Gig work’, within the labour context, is regarded as an umbrella term comprising two distinct types of work: crowd work, and app work. Each of the previously mentioned types of gig work performs a particular service in the gig economy. To illustrate, crowd work refers to work that ranges in skills level and difficulty, which is outsourced to a large pool of online workers, for example, tasks available on Freelancer and Fiverr. In contrast, app work (also known as on-demand work) involves an application (app) that connects clients and workers via the online platform to perform tasks, also referred to as ‘gigs’, in a specific geographical area. This type of gig work consists of various types of tasks, such as ride-sharing services (e.g., Uber and Bolt), cleaning services (e.g., SweepSouth), and the running of errands (e.g., TaskRabbit and Errandworld). Uber currently serves more than 10 000 cities worldwide.  

The previous three industrial revolutions were prompted by disruptions that occurred through the harnessing of steam. The discovery of telecommunications and computers and technological advancements led to the internet of things, a typical characteristic of 4IR. It is in 4IR where the new techno-economic paradigm needs to be addressed. This is where robotic devices could replace humans. We now face two sides of the coin: working in a digitised environment where workers are not protected by traditional labour laws, such as Uber drivers, or seeking formal employment where there are not enough standard jobs.  

The changing landscape
The modern industrial workplace is already characterised by the introduction of several robotic devices that could easily replace human capital in the future. Examples hereof are rife:  Libby is a robot at the University of Pretoria that assists students. A social humanoid robot called Sophia, created with her ‘own’ passport, was interviewed on her own at the UN, and is regarded as our first digital citizen. We also have Deep Blue, an IBM computer that defeated the world's best chess player, and Watson, another IBM computer that beat the Jeopardy! champions, as well as robots that can now play the piano, grade high school tests, paint, compose music, and write newspaper articles. (Doci & Virgillito 2019: 602). A job for life and a physical workplace may both disappear in future and be replaced by gigs for payment, flexibility, and continuous learning. The COVID-19 pandemic fast-tracked 4IR, and this is becoming worrisome in South Africa, where we reached formal unemployment figures of 32,6% (7,2 million) and 42,6% (11,4 million) if discouraged work seekers are added to the mix. More critical, South Africa's youth unemployment rate is at a staggering all-time high of 74,7% (STATS SA, 5 April 2021). We need to look at new opportunities in the gig economy, like Uber, to earn a living and alleviate poverty.

Uber and work
Uber is merely an example of ‘work’ on the platform, but many gig workers are not protected by law. If we focus on the new categories of workers, such as those working for Uber, the legal landscape is exciting and problematic. However, problems have led to sporadic strike actions in several African countries such as Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa.

In January 2021, Uber Eats drivers in South Africa laid down their 'tools' by deactivating their apps as part of a nationwide strike action in response to a decision taken by Uber Eats South Africa to lower the fee paid to drivers per delivery.  Later in March 2021, Uber and Bolt drivers from South Africa engaged in strike action, demanding that e-hailing companies adopt a fair pricing strategy, and that their own and their passengers' safety be prioritised. Other African countries followed suit shortly thereafter. In the past year, many app workers have brought court claims in different countries in the hopes of obtaining full employee status. Let’s see what happens in other countries.

United Kindom (UK)
On 19 February 2021, the Supreme Court in the UK ruled in Uber BV v Aslam (2021) UKSC 5 that Uber drivers are ‘workers’ rather than self-employed independent contractors. The court outlined several key factors to justify its decision, most of which relate to the degree of control that Uber has over its drivers. Based on this, the court found that drivers were, in reality, ‘workers’ and not independent contractors, which implies that they are legally protected.

Australia
A recent decision by Australia’s Fair Commission (FWC) in Diego Franco v Deliveroo Australia Pty Ltd (2021) FWC 2818, could impact Uber’s operation in the country in the future. On 18 May 2021, the commission ruled that a former Dilveroo driver was an employee of Deliveroo rather than an independent contractor. The FWC emphasised the importance of standing back from the detailed picture and looking at the overall effect of the relationship. Similar to the UK ruling, the FWC also noted that Deliveroo was able to implement or withdraw a significant level of control over Mr Franco, which was a decisive factor indicating the existence of an employment relationship. Having considered the facts, the FWC found the driver to be an employee of Deliveroo, and he was therefore entitled to unfair dismissal protection. Whether this decision will stand in the future remains to be seen, as Deliveroo has indicated that it will appeal the FWC's decision.

United States of America (USA)
Similar to many other countries, the USA also has several cases with mixed judgements. For the purpose of this opinion piece, we will single out Proposal 22 (Prop 22), which was passed in California at the end of 2020. The Prop provides drivers with a guaranteed minimum earning for the time worked while actively providing rides, compensation for some vehicle expenses, occupational accident insurance to cover injuries and illnesses on the job, and ‘funding for new health benefits’ that apply to drivers with prescribed minimum hours per week.

Spain
A new royal decree regulating delivery app workers, also known as the ‘rider law’, was ratified by Spain's cabinet in March 2021. The new ‘rider law’ introduces additional provisions for a new presumption regarding the existence of an employment relationship in the context of the delivery and distribution of products through digital delivery platforms. The decree also makes it mandatory for gig businesses to inform the app workers’ legal representatives of the parameters, rules, and instructions on which the algorithms or artificial intelligence (AI) systems are based, which affect decision-making that may influence working conditions, access to, and maintenance of employment, including profiling. The law comes into effect 90 days following its publication in the Spanish Official Gazette. The gig businesses, therefore, have until mid-August to comply.

The way forward for South Africa
It is currently uncertain whether South Africa’s Uber drivers will be classified as employees or independent contractors. See Uber South Africa Technology Services (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW) and Others (2018) 39 ILJ 903 (LC), in which the Labour Court held that the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration’s ruling failed to consider the fact that Uber SA and Uber B.V. are two separate entities. The question as to whether Uber drivers are employees of Uber was subsequently left unanswered. Each country has a unique and intricate statutory framework that regulates the traditional work relationship, making a universal approach to classifying on-demand workers almost impossible. However, it would be in our best interest to be mindful of these developments to pursue a workable solution that fits our South African context.

Thus, the jury is still out on whether gig work is good, bad or a little of both.

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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