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18 February 2025 Photo Supplied
Vusumzi Gqalane
Vusumzi Gqalane, Transition Academic Advisor: Advising, Access and Success: Student Learning Communities (CAALC), Centre for Teaching and Learning, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Vusumzi Gqalane, Transition Academic Advisor: Advising, Access and Success: Student Learning Communities (CAALC), Centre for Teaching and Learning, University of the Free State.


In an era of uncertainty, as the world stands on the brink of global instability such as political conflicts, economic isolations, and environmental crises, President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered his State of the Nation Address (SONA) on 6 February 2025 — a speech brimming with dreams of development, reform, growth, and transformation. With passion, he set the tone with a decisive declaration: “We will not be bullied.” This was a resolute response to foreign pressures, particularly aimed at US President Donald Trump, showing South Africa's steadfast posture on the global stage.

Yet, as he outlined his ambitious plans to re-energise the economy by 3% and implement sweeping policy changes, I couldn’t help but hear echoes of past promises — unfulfilled pledges that linger like shadows over his leadership. In a time when actions must speak louder than words, will Ramaphosa’s vision translate into the tangible change South Africa desperately needs? Or will it be another chapter in a story of unkept commitments?

GNU and SONA

Following the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) after the 2024 national elections, President Ramaphosa was expected to deliver a SONA that reflected the interests of GNU partners, despite their ideological differences. The address came amid political and ideological tensions among the partner members.

Before SONA, the African National Congress (ANC) appeared to be gaining ground with its policy initiatives, including the implementation and signing of the BELA Bill into law under the Democratic Alliance (DA) Minister of Basic Education, the advancement of the National Health Insurance (NHI) project, and the signing of the Expropriation Bill into law. The DA, however, claimed it had not been consulted on these decisions and even threatened a walkout. In the lead-up to SONA, there was mounting pressure on GNU partners, particularly the DA, to find common ground ahead of the Cabinet Lekgotla held last week. The Lekgotla was intended to shape the medium-term development plan, which serves as the government’s programme of action for the next five years and ultimately informs the President’s SONA.

Based on the reactions of some GNU partners during the SONA, the president’s commitments regarding the privatisation, Eskom, and infrastructure development, as well as post-address reflections by political and GNU parties, it is evident that the DA has strategically positioned itself, gradually advancing its interests while playing a significant “opposition” role in the GNU partnership. The DA asserts that Ramaphosa is aligning with their manifesto. Meanwhile, Rise Mzansi welcomed the inclusion of their proposals, particularly on the privatisation of water infrastructure, while the GOOD Party also expressed support for Ramaphosa. Conversely, the Freedom Front Plus (FF-Plus) strongly criticised the President, arguing that the SONA was filled with empty promises and condemning his stance on land expropriation, BELA, and the NHI, which they believe are detrimental to South Africa.

The ANC now finds itself in a precarious position, forced to compromise with neoliberal forces within the GNU, particularly the DA, at the potential expense of its historic alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The inclusion of pro-business/privatisation policies championed by these right-wing elements directly contradicts the socialist principles that have long guided the ANC’s working-class mandate. This uneasy balancing act — appeasing conservative coalition partners while maintaining its commitment to economic justice and social transformation —risks weakening the ANC’s ideological foundation and alienating the very communities that have stood by it in the struggle for economic emancipation. In the meantime, it seems that all the GNU’s parties are putting electoral factors ahead of genuine growth goals. Despite positioning itself as the leader of a unified government, the ANC's primary goal is to win back the trust of voters in preparation for the coming elections. Despite its promises to keep an eye on ANC mistakes, the DA is more interested in using the GNU as a platform to establish itself as a viable governing alternative in 2029. Instead of influencing significant policy changes, smaller parties like the GOOD Party, IFP, UDM, Rise Mzansi, and others are using their participation to increase their awareness.

Era of promises

Year after year, South Africans have been met with bold commitments, huge projects, and big ambitions for a brighter future. Each SONA has promised progress on issues such as rebuilding and economic recovery, as well as combating corruption and youth unemployment. Yet, for millions, these words remain just that: promises. The cycle continues: commitments are made, faith is sparked, and then reality strikes — unemployment remains, infrastructure deteriorates, and inequality grows. This is an era of promises, where rhetoric rises but people wait.

From 2018’s emphasis on rebuilding and investment to 2019’s Thuma Mina call for justice and economic growth, the rhetoric has been strong, but the material conditions of the people remain largely unchanged. By 2020, accountability and state capture took centre stage, with the President acknowledging the deep rot of corruption within state-owned enterprises like Prasa and SAA. Yet, despite the bold pledge to fix commuter rail and modernise infrastructure, public transport remains in crisis, and Eskom’s dysfunction continues to suffocate economic growth. The 2021 economic recovery plan was overshadowed by deepening inequality and massive corruption, which the government claimed to be fighting.

By 2022, the President again stood before the nation, declaring war on corruption and governance failures, yet these very challenges persisted. Infrastructure investment and job creation were mentioned, but real opportunities remained out of reach for the majority. In 2023, the focus shifted to national Challenges, with economic revitalisation and youth unemployment taking centre stage. Once again, programmes were promised to integrate young people into the workforce, yet the lived reality of millions remained one of joblessness and despair.

Then came 2024, with Tintswalo — a supposed intervention in youth unemployment and infrastructure modernisation. Yet, instead of accountability, the nation was fed a narrative of guilt — told to be grateful for “the child of democracy” rather than demanding the economic justice and radical transformation that the people deserve.

I strongly believe that the GNU is less about genuine partnership and more about political survival, with the ANC using its historical power to push through controversial policies while its partners, notably the DA, struggle to exercise substantial influence. The pressures building up to SONA, particularly before the Cabinet Lekgotla, were expected to induce compromise, but the DA's contribution looks to be more symbolic than substantial. If this pattern continues, the GNU risks becoming a fragile arrangement in which ideological diversity is just symbolic and performative, and practical decision-making remains firmly driven by political expediency rather than national development. Instead of fostering collaboration for the country’s progress, the GNU may simply become a battleground for parties to position themselves favourably for the next highly anticipated election, leaving South Africans caught in the middle of a government dictated more by electoral calculations than by effective governance.

Plenty of rhetoric but little action

Once again, we find ourselves at the end of another speech full of repeated promises and high rhetoric, yet the people’s primary struggles remain unresolved. The President began his speech with bold phrases, as he often does, but nonchalantly overlooked the situations that require immediate solutions. Nothing was spoken about what had happened in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and put the nation into confidence about the safety of our soldiers. There was no clear view of South Africa’s role in a more unpredictable global order, especially in light of growing influence of the US and pressures on our foreign policy.

Coming home, the silence on budget cuts to higher education is astonishing. While the President spoke repeatedly about young unemployment and economic inclusion, he forgot to address the thousands of pupils who have been left stranded without university placements by a system that continues to favour the rich. Infrastructure modernisation was promised again. Job creation was promised again. The struggle against corruption was reaffirmed —once again. However, South Africans understand these promises have been made before, and nothing will change.

We are not in a transformational and reform era; rather, we are locked in one of promises, with plenty of rhetoric but little action. The question is, how long will the people wait?


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