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07 August 2019 | Story Thabo Kessah and Selloane Mile | Photo Thabo Kessah
Dr Tshepo Moloi Gille de Vlieg Prof Monique Marks Zama Khanyesa read more
Dr Tshepo Moloi (far left) with some of the panellists during the Cosas Colloquium: Gille de Vlieg, Prof Monique Marks, and Zama Khanyesa (Cosas President, 2015-2017).

They came from near and far; the attendees were both from the founding and the contemporary generation – up to the current President, John Macheke. This was reflected in the guest and speaker lists of the colloquium, which was hosted by the Qwaqwa Campus Faculty of the Humanities and the TK Mopeli Library to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Congress of South African Students (Cosas).

Acknowledging Cosas pioneers

“The two-day colloquium was aimed at enabling all Cosas generations to engage meaningfully, while highlighting the role of its leaders in the struggle for a democratic system of education and country,” said the organiser, Dr Tshepo Moloi from the Department of History.

“We must appreciate the founders of Cosas, as they have not been adequately acknowledged in the democratic dispensation. The organisation fought many battles – one of which was to enable many of us to finally register at institutions of higher learning when it was not as fashionable as it is now,” said Patrick Letsatsi from the Department of Sports, Arts and Culture (DSAC). 

Letsatsi also expressed the DSAC’s mission of facilitating such dialogues on matters of national interest. “Talking enables us to see that burning a library when we need a road is not the right way of dealing with matters,” he said.

Limited research on Cosas

On the academic research front, it is clear that minimal work has been done to reflect on the role played by Cosas over the years. “There is limited scholarly research on Cosas,” said Prof Noor Nieftagodien, the Head of the History Workshop at the University of the Witwatersrand.

“Despite this, we know for a fact that the founding members of Cosas found themselves under serious threat from the state. They were detained almost immediately after its formation in 1979, yet the organisation continued to produce leaders who not only played a pivotal role in the underground movement and formation of youth congresses and trade unions, but also in the shaping of our democratic state,” he argued.

The colloquium also featured Prof Monique Marks, who spoke at length about Cosas in the 1980s and the 1990s. There was also a presentation and photo exhibition by veteran anti-apartheid activist and former member of the Black Sash, Gille de Vlieg, whose photographs back then were inspired by the energy of the students. Other panellists were, among others, founding members Oupa Masuku, Vusi Gqoba, Super Moloi, Titi Mthenjane, and former Free State MEC, Oupa Khoabane.  

The colloquium was hosted in partnership with the national Department of Sports, Arts and Culture and the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS).

News Archive

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa
2015-01-23

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa

Service delivery protests in the country have peaked during 2014, with 176 major service delivery protests staged against local government across South Africa.

A study by the University of the Free State (UFS) found that many of these protests are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC and prominent community leaders. Many of these protests involved violence, and the destruction had a devastating impact on the communities involved.

This study was done by Dr Sethulego Matebesi, researcher and senior lecturer at the UFS. He focused his research on the dynamics of service delivery protests in South Africa.

Service delivery protests refer to the collective taken by a group of community members which are directed against a local municipality over poor or inadequate provision of basic services, and a wider spectrum of concerns including, for example, housing, infrastructural developments, and corruption.

These protests increased substantially from about 10 in 2004 to 111 in 2010, reaching unprecedented levels with 176 during 2014.

The causes of these protests are divided into three broad categories: systemic (maladministration, fraud, nepotism and corruption); structural (healthcare, poverty, unemployment and land issues); and governance (limited opportunities for civic participation, lack of accountability, weak leadership and the erosion of public confidence in leadership).

In his research, Dr Matebesi observed and studied protests in the Free State, Northern Cape and the North-West since 2008. He found that these protests can be divided into two groups, each with its own characteristics.

“On the one side you have highly fragmented residents’ groups that often use intimidation and violence in predominantly black communities. On the other side, there are highly structured ratepayers’ associations that primarily uses the withholding of municipal rates and taxes in predominantly white communities.”

 

Who are the typical protesters?

Dr Matebesi’s study results show that in most instances, protests in black areas are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC - prominent community leaders. Generally, though, protests are supported by predominantly unemployed, young residents.

“However, judging by election results immediately after protests, the study revealed that the ANC is not losing votes over such actions.”

The study found that in the case of the structured ratepayers’ associations, the groups are led by different segments of the community, including professionals such as attorneys, accountants and even former municipal managers.

Dr Matebesi says that although many protests in black communities often turned out violent, protest leaders stated that they never planned to embark on violent protests.

“They claimed that is was often attitude (towards the protesters), reaction of the police and the lack of government’s interest in their grievances that sparked violence.”

Totally different to this is the form of peaceful protests that involves sanctioning. This requires restraint and coordination, which only a highly structured group can provide.

“The study demonstrates that the effects of service delivery protests have been tangible and visible in South Africa, with almost daily reports of violent confrontations with police, extensive damage to property, looting of businesses, and at times, the injuring or even killing of civilians. With the increase of violence, the space for building trust between the state and civil society is decreasing.”

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