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16 September 2019 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Colin Stevenson
Dr Ana Stevenson
In terms of gender violence, Dr Ana Stevenson says change has only occurred because of the willingness of some, especially feminist activists, to take a stand against community complacency. Pictured here, she speaks about the book in Rockhampton, Queensland, Australia.

“Gender violence has gained renewed public visibility in South Africa over the past weeks due to the horrific murder of undergraduate womxn (the term/spelling used by activists during the recent marches) from the University of Cape Town and the University of the Western Cape. These tragedies followed the longer history of high-profile cases of gender-based violence, where violated young womxn become the focus of intense media analysis – sometimes sympathetic, but often characterised by victim blaming.” 

These are the words of Dr Ana Stevenson, postdoctoral research fellow in the International Studies Group in the Faculty of the Humanities at the University of the Free State (UFS).

She believes that most media commentary and policymaking are rarely contextualised in terms of the long history of gender violence. A recent edited collection, Gender Violence in Australia: Historical Perspectives (Monash University Publishing, 2019), which she co-edited with her colleague, Dr Alana Piper (University of Technology Sydney), seeks to bring historical context to contemporary discussions about gender violence.

Dr Stevenson, an Australian historian of social movements, joined the International Studies Group in 2016. With her research, she examines the lives and writings of activist women in feminist and anti-racist social movements in South Africa as well as in Australia and the United States. 

She considers herself fortunate to have been offered the opportunity to live and work in South Africa during this era of student activism on campuses across the country.

Words alone are not enough

Other South African scholars have turned their attention to gender violence in recent years. Rape and other forms of sexual violence are chronically underreported in South Africa, a problem that also exists in other national contexts. Victims simply do not feel safe enough to report their experiences to the police, says Prof Pumla Dineo Gqola, author of Rape: A South African Nightmare (Jacana Media, 2015).

Dr Stevenson adds: “Despite public outcry, the emergence of new victims suggests that the cultural shifts which are needed to transform the violent behaviours that disproportionately affect the lives of womxn, have sadly not been achieved. The marches in solidarity across many university campuses, including at the UFS, are certainly a step in the right direction, as is the UFS’s renewed commitment to eradicating all forms of gender-based violence.”

However, according to her edited collection, words alone are not enough. 

She believes that greater public awareness can only help to address the problem to a degree. “What is needed in addition to initiatives that seek to effect cultural and behavioural change among perpetrators, is ongoing and dedicated funding for rape crisis centres and other support services for those who encounter gender violence,” Dr Stevenson says.Book cover

Taking a stand against complacency

Gender Violence in Australia indicates exactly where violent behaviours come from and seeks to illustrate how they have been rationalised over time. “It is important to recognise that change has only occurred because of the willingness of some, most especially feminist activists, to take a stand against community complacency. We hope that, in identifying these patterns over a period of more than 150 years, our collection will be useful for policymakers, politicians, and the media, as histories of violence are intimately connected to understanding how gender violence operates in the present.”    

“Our collection hopes to make the important first steps in assembling a history that builds on the work of feminist historians, whose earlier research about gender violence in Australia examined the phenomenon in various contexts. In doing so, we bring together the analysis of domestic, family, sexual, institutional, economic, psychological, structural, and state violence to identify the important links between historical legacies and the contemporary moment. Making the connections between past and present explicit, offers the opportunity to track the changes and continuities that shape our understanding of gender violence today.”

Dr Stevenson strongly believes that womxn are not to blame, and that they must keep raising their voices to make themselves heard. She supports Prof Gqola, who said: “A future free of rape and violence is one we deserve, and one we must create.”

• Womxn: According to the Urban Dictionary, it is a spelling of ‘women’ which is a more inclusive, progressive term that not only sheds light on the prejudice, discrimination, and institutional barriers womxn have faced, but to also show that womxn are not the extension of men but their own free and separate entities. 

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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