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16 September 2019 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Colin Stevenson
Dr Ana Stevenson
In terms of gender violence, Dr Ana Stevenson says change has only occurred because of the willingness of some, especially feminist activists, to take a stand against community complacency. Pictured here, she speaks about the book in Rockhampton, Queensland, Australia.

“Gender violence has gained renewed public visibility in South Africa over the past weeks due to the horrific murder of undergraduate womxn (the term/spelling used by activists during the recent marches) from the University of Cape Town and the University of the Western Cape. These tragedies followed the longer history of high-profile cases of gender-based violence, where violated young womxn become the focus of intense media analysis – sometimes sympathetic, but often characterised by victim blaming.” 

These are the words of Dr Ana Stevenson, postdoctoral research fellow in the International Studies Group in the Faculty of the Humanities at the University of the Free State (UFS).

She believes that most media commentary and policymaking are rarely contextualised in terms of the long history of gender violence. A recent edited collection, Gender Violence in Australia: Historical Perspectives (Monash University Publishing, 2019), which she co-edited with her colleague, Dr Alana Piper (University of Technology Sydney), seeks to bring historical context to contemporary discussions about gender violence.

Dr Stevenson, an Australian historian of social movements, joined the International Studies Group in 2016. With her research, she examines the lives and writings of activist women in feminist and anti-racist social movements in South Africa as well as in Australia and the United States. 

She considers herself fortunate to have been offered the opportunity to live and work in South Africa during this era of student activism on campuses across the country.

Words alone are not enough

Other South African scholars have turned their attention to gender violence in recent years. Rape and other forms of sexual violence are chronically underreported in South Africa, a problem that also exists in other national contexts. Victims simply do not feel safe enough to report their experiences to the police, says Prof Pumla Dineo Gqola, author of Rape: A South African Nightmare (Jacana Media, 2015).

Dr Stevenson adds: “Despite public outcry, the emergence of new victims suggests that the cultural shifts which are needed to transform the violent behaviours that disproportionately affect the lives of womxn, have sadly not been achieved. The marches in solidarity across many university campuses, including at the UFS, are certainly a step in the right direction, as is the UFS’s renewed commitment to eradicating all forms of gender-based violence.”

However, according to her edited collection, words alone are not enough. 

She believes that greater public awareness can only help to address the problem to a degree. “What is needed in addition to initiatives that seek to effect cultural and behavioural change among perpetrators, is ongoing and dedicated funding for rape crisis centres and other support services for those who encounter gender violence,” Dr Stevenson says.Book cover

Taking a stand against complacency

Gender Violence in Australia indicates exactly where violent behaviours come from and seeks to illustrate how they have been rationalised over time. “It is important to recognise that change has only occurred because of the willingness of some, most especially feminist activists, to take a stand against community complacency. We hope that, in identifying these patterns over a period of more than 150 years, our collection will be useful for policymakers, politicians, and the media, as histories of violence are intimately connected to understanding how gender violence operates in the present.”    

“Our collection hopes to make the important first steps in assembling a history that builds on the work of feminist historians, whose earlier research about gender violence in Australia examined the phenomenon in various contexts. In doing so, we bring together the analysis of domestic, family, sexual, institutional, economic, psychological, structural, and state violence to identify the important links between historical legacies and the contemporary moment. Making the connections between past and present explicit, offers the opportunity to track the changes and continuities that shape our understanding of gender violence today.”

Dr Stevenson strongly believes that womxn are not to blame, and that they must keep raising their voices to make themselves heard. She supports Prof Gqola, who said: “A future free of rape and violence is one we deserve, and one we must create.”

• Womxn: According to the Urban Dictionary, it is a spelling of ‘women’ which is a more inclusive, progressive term that not only sheds light on the prejudice, discrimination, and institutional barriers womxn have faced, but to also show that womxn are not the extension of men but their own free and separate entities. 

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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