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31 August 2020 | Story Dr Chitja Twala
R Chitja Twala
Dr Chitja Twala is the Vice Dean in the Faculty of The Humanities.

In the 1940s, the then (Orange) Free State produced a crop of female leaders whose role in the liberation struggle is unknown – or rather, for whatever reason – ‘neglected’. Among these leaders was one Moipone Martha Motlhakwana. Testimony to the above was an article published by the Mail and Guardian on 25 August 2016 under the heading 60 Iconic Women – The people behind the 1956 Women’s March to Pretoria. In this article, only four lines are dedicated to her, contrary to what has been written about other leaders, such as Lilian Ngoyi, Lizzy Abrahams, Lucy Mvubelo, and many others. This is an indication of the possible ‘neglect’ in highlighting the role played by other women in places such as the Free State. In this article, I argue that Motlhakwana’s role in the liberation struggle was by no means minimal, compared to the leaders mentioned above. 

When one evaluates her role and contribution to the struggle, it is important to always keep in mind the context of the time and the scope of possibilities that were available to the liberation movements. This article briefly examines her role at a crucial time when Motlhakwana’s beloved movement, the African National Congress (ANC), is experiencing its most difficult and trying times since coming to power in 1994.

The Defiance Campaign

Motlhakwana was born into the Makabane family in Leqwala in the Thaba Nchu district on 23 December 1906. She was a devoted Christian. Being a Christian did not prevent her from participating fully in politics. Long before the 1956 anti-pass march, Motlhakwana was instrumental in organising the 1952 Defiance Campaign in Bloemfontein. Meetings for organising this campaign were held in an open space where the Paradise Hall in Bochabela Location in Bloemfontein is situated today. She led a women’s support group demanding the release of those arrested and jailed in the Ramkraal Prison in Bloemfontein. It became known to the Special Branch that her house was, at the time, used as the ANCWL’s ‘headquarters’ in town; therefore, the house was monitored and kept under police surveillance.

Motlhakwana also participated in the 1956 anti-mass march to Pretoria. In the Bloemfontein area, she mobilised people in the burning of passes. Her fearless organising strategies earned her a nickname in the community as Motabola Pasa or Mochesa Pasa (the one instrumental in tearing of the dompas or the one burning the passes). She was among the people who were arrested and detained during the Treason Trial. After being acquitted, she was placed under house arrest. Together with her friend in the struggle, Pretty Molatole, they were involved in establishing the ANCWL in Bloemfontein. Most of the league’s meetings were held at Motlhakwana’s place. She used to travel around the province to establish ANCWL branches in places such as Bethlehem, Ficksburg, and Thaba Nchu, to name a few. It was during this period in the mid-1950s that she worked closely with the leaders of the ANC in Bloemfontein, such as Jacob B Mafora, Caleb Motshabi, and Leslie Monnenyane.

In her honour

In honour of her contribution to the liberation struggle in South Africa and not only in the Free State, a tombstone was unveiled at the Phahameng Cemetery, adjacent to the Heroes’ Acre, on Thursday 5 January 2012; this unveiling coincided with the centenary celebrations of the ANC as the oldest liberation movement in Africa. Addressing the masses during the unveiling of the tombstone, the Chairperson of the ANCWL in the Free State and the current Premier, Sisi Ntombela, stated: “Most people have the concept that the anti-pass march started in Johannesburg in 1956, but that is not the case because the first march was started in the province by women such as Motlhakwana and Mei Likotsi and others who were leaders at the time, and mobilised the women for the march. As we unveiled the Motlhakwana tombstone, we also discovered that her grandchildren have kept the passes of those women whom she organised at that time. She made sure that women were developed, not only in politics but also in trade unionism. The Free State is the centre where everything started; this year [2012] is the ANC Centenary, but next year we will be holding the ANCWL Centenary for the Free State women.”

Owing to illness, Motlhakwana passed away on Thursday 27 July 1989. She was buried in the Phahameng ‘Magengenene’ Cemetery in Bloemfontein, not far from the Heroes’ Acre.

There are many women of Motlhakwana’s political stature in the Free State, whose histories should be documented in the form of biographies.

News Archive

Game farming a lens to analyse challenges facing democratic SA – Dr Kamuti
2017-05-30

 Description: Dr Kamuti Tags: Dr Kamuti

Dr Tariro Kamuti, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Centre
for Africa Studies at the University of the Free State.
Photo: Rulanzen Martin

One of the challenges facing South Africa’s developing game farming policy is the fractured state in the governance of the private game farming sector, says Dr Tariro Kamuti.

Dr Kamuti, a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Centre for Africa Studies (CAS) at the University of the Free State (UFS), was presenting a seminar on Wednesday 17 May 2017 under the topic, Private Wildlife Governance in a Context of Radical Uncertainty: Challenges of South Africa’s Developing Game Farming Policy, which takes material from his PhD. He received his PhD from both the Vrije University in Amsterdam and the UFS in 2016.

His presentation explored how the private game industry positions itself in accordance with existing agricultural and environmental regulations. It also investigated the state’s response to the challenge of competing needs over land and wildlife resources which is posed by the gaming sector. “The transformation of the institutional processes mediating governance of the private game farming sector has been a long and enduring arrangement emerging organically over time,” Dr Kamuti said.

Game farming links wildlife and agricultural sectors
“I decided on this topic to highlight that game farming links the wildlife sector (associated with conservation and tourism) and the agricultural sector. Both make use of land whose resources need to be sustainably utilised to meet a broad spectrum of needs for the diverse South African population.

“The continuous skewed ownership of land post-1994 justifies questioning of the role of the state in confronting challenges of social justice and transformation within the economy.”

“Game farming can thus be viewed as a lens through which to study the broad challenges facing a democratic South Africa, and to interrogate the regulatory and policy framework in the agricultural and wildlife sectors at their interface,” Dr Kamuti said.

Challenges facing game farming policies

The state alone does not apply itself to the regulation of private gaming as a sector. “There is no clear direction on the position of private game farming at the interface of environmental and agricultural regulations, hence game farmers take advantage of loopholes in these institutional arrangements to forge ahead,” Dr Kamuti said.

He further went on to say that the state lacked a coherent plan for the South African countryside, “as shown by the outstanding land restitution and labour tenant claims on privately owned land earmarked for wildlife production”.

The South African government was confronted with a context in which the status quo of the prosperity of the middle classes under neoliberal policies was pitted against the urgent need to improve the material well-being of the majority poor.  Unless such issues were addressed, this necessarily undermined democracy as a participatory social force, Dr Kamuti said.

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