Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items

Moipone Martha Motlhakwana: "Motabola Pasa’s" footprints in the Free State Liberation Struggle

31 August 2020 | Story Dr Chitja Twala

In the 1940s, the then (Orange) Free State produced a crop of female leaders whose role in the liberation struggle is unknown – or rather, for whatever reason – ‘neglected’. Among these leaders was one Moipone Martha Motlhakwana. Testimony to the above was an article published by the Mail and Guardian on 25 August 2016 under the heading 60 Iconic Women – The people behind the 1956 Women’s March to Pretoria. In this article, only four lines are dedicated to her, contrary to what has been written about other leaders, such as Lilian Ngoyi, Lizzy Abrahams, Lucy Mvubelo, and many others. This is an indication of the possible ‘neglect’ in highlighting the role played by other women in places such as the Free State. In this article, I argue that Motlhakwana’s role in the liberation struggle was by no means minimal, compared to the leaders mentioned above.

When one evaluates her role and contribution to the struggle, it is important to always keep in mind the context of the time and the scope of possibilities that were available to the liberation movements. This article briefly examines her role at a crucial time when Motlhakwana’s beloved movement, the African National Congress (ANC), is experiencing its most difficult and trying times since coming to power in 1994.

The Defiance Campaign

Motlhakwana was born into the Makabane family in Leqwala in the Thaba Nchu district on 23 December 1906. She was a devoted Christian. Being a Christian did not prevent her from participating fully in politics. Long before the 1956 anti-pass march, Motlhakwana was instrumental in organising the 1952 Defiance Campaign in Bloemfontein. Meetings for organising this campaign were held in an open space where the Paradise Hall in Bochabela Location in Bloemfontein is situated today. She led a women’s support group demanding the release of those arrested and jailed in the Ramkraal Prison in Bloemfontein. It became known to the Special Branch that her house was, at the time, used as the ANCWL’s ‘headquarters’ in town; therefore, the house was monitored and kept under police surveillance.

Motlhakwana also participated in the 1956 anti-mass march to Pretoria. In the Bloemfontein area, she mobilised people in the burning of passes. Her fearless organising strategies earned her a nickname in the community as Motabola Pasa or Mochesa Pasa (the one instrumental in tearing of the dompas or the one burning the passes). She was among the people who were arrested and detained during the Treason Trial. After being acquitted, she was placed under house arrest. Together with her friend in the struggle, Pretty Molatole, they were involved in establishing the ANCWL in Bloemfontein. Most of the league’s meetings were held at Motlhakwana’s place. She used to travel around the province to establish ANCWL branches in places such as Bethlehem, Ficksburg, and Thaba Nchu, to name a few. It was during this period in the mid-1950s that she worked closely with the leaders of the ANC in Bloemfontein, such as Jacob B Mafora, Caleb Motshabi, and Leslie Monnenyane.

In her honour

In honour of her contribution to the liberation struggle in South Africa and not only in the Free State, a tombstone was unveiled at the Phahameng Cemetery, adjacent to the Heroes’ Acre, on Thursday 5 January 2012; this unveiling coincided with the centenary celebrations of the ANC as the oldest liberation movement in Africa. Addressing the masses during the unveiling of the tombstone, the Chairperson of the ANCWL in the Free State and the current Premier, Sisi Ntombela, stated: “Most people have the concept that the anti-pass march started in Johannesburg in 1956, but that is not the case because the first march was started in the province by women such as Motlhakwana and Mei Likotsi and others who were leaders at the time, and mobilised the women for the march. As we unveiled the Motlhakwana tombstone, we also discovered that her grandchildren have kept the passes of those women whom she organised at that time. She made sure that women were developed, not only in politics but also in trade unionism. The Free State is the centre where everything started; this year [2012] is the ANC Centenary, but next year we will be holding the ANCWL Centenary for the Free State women.”

Owing to illness, Motlhakwana passed away on Thursday 27 July 1989. She was buried in the Phahameng ‘Magengenene’ Cemetery in Bloemfontein, not far from the Heroes’ Acre.

There are many women of Motlhakwana’s political stature in the Free State, whose histories should be documented in the form of biographies.

News Archive

SA universities are becoming the battlegrounds for political gain

2010-11-02

Prof. Kalie Strydom.

No worthwhile contribution can be made to higher education excellence if you do not understand and acknowledge the devastating, but unfortunately unavoidable role of party politics in the system and universities of higher education and training (HET).

This statement was made by Prof. Kalie Strydom during his valedictory lecture made on the Main Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS) in Bloemfontein recently.

Prof. Strydom, who was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the UFS in 2010, presented a lecture on the theme: The Long Walk to Higher Education and Training Excellence: The Struggle of Comrades and Racists. He provided perspectives on politics in higher education and training (HET) and shared different examples explaining the meaning of excellence in HET in relation to politics.

“At the HET systems level I was fortunate to participate in the deliberations in the early nineties to prepare policy perspectives that could be used by the ANC in HET policy making after the 1994 elections. At these deliberations one of the important issues discussed was the typical educational and training pyramid recognised in many countries, to establish and maintain successful education and training. The educational pyramid in successful countries was compared to the SA “inverted” pyramid that had already originated during apartheid for all races, but unfortunately exploded during the 16 years of democracy to a dangerous situation of 3 million out-of school and post-school youth with very few education and training opportunities,” he said.

In his lecture, Prof. Strydom answered questions like: Why could we as higher educationists not persuade the new democratically elected government to create a successful education and training pyramid with a strong intermediate college sector in the nineties? What was the politics like in the early and late nineties about disallowing the acceptance of the successful pyramid of education and training? Why do we only now in the latest DHET strategic planning 2010–2015 have this successful pyramid as a basis for policymaking and planning?

At an institutional level he explained the role of politics by referring to the Reitz incident at the UFS and the infamous Soudien report on racism in higher education in South Africa highlighting explosive racial situations in our universities and the country. “To understand this situation we need to acknowledge that we are battling with complex biases influencing the racial situation,” he said.

“White and black, staff and students at our universities are constantly battling with the legacy of the past which is being used, abused and conveniently forgotten, as well as critical events that white and black experience every day of their lives, feeding polarisation of extreme views while eroding common ground. Examples vary from the indoctrination and prejudice that is continued within most homes, churches and schools; mass media full of murder, rape, corruption; political parties skewing difficult issues for indiscrete political gain; to frustrating non-delivery in almost all spheres of life which frustrates and irritates everyone, all feeding racial stereo typing and prejudice,” said Prof. Strydom.

A South African philosopher, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse, recently used the metaphor of an “Elephant in our lounge” to describe the syndrome of racism that is part of the lives of white and black South Africans in very different ways. He indicated that all of us are aware of the elephant, but we choose not to talk about it, an attitude described by Ruth Frankenberg as ‘colour evasiveness’, which denies the nature and scope of the problem.

Constructs related to race are so contentious that most stakeholders and role-players are unwilling to confront the meanings that they assign to very prominent dimensions of their experience; neither does management at the institutions have enough staff (higher educationists?) with the competencies to interrogate these meanings, or generate shared meanings amongst staff and students (common ground). A good example that could be compared with “the elephant in our lounge” remark is the recent paper of Prof. Jonathan Jansen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS on race categorisation in education and training.

According to Prof. Strydom, universities in South Africa are increasingly becoming the battlegrounds for political gain which creates a polarised atmosphere on campuses and crowds out the moderate middle ground, thereby subverting the role and function of the university as an institution within a specific context, interpreted globally and locally.

Striving for excellence, mostly free from the negative influences of politics, in HET, from the point of view of the higher educationist, is that we should, through comparative literature review and research, re-conceptualise the university as an institution in a specific context. This entails carefully considering environment and the positioning of the university leading to a specific institutional culture and recognising the fact that institutional cultures are complicated by many subcultures in academe (faculties) and student life (residences/new generations of commuter students).

Another way forward in striving for excellence, mostly free from politics, is to ensure that we understand the complexities of governing a university better. D.W. Leslie (2003) mentions formidable tasks related to governance influenced by politics:

Balancing legitimacy and effectiveness.
Leading along two dimensions: getting work done and engaging people.
Differentiating between formal university structures and the functions of universities as they adapt and evolve.
Bridging the divergence between cultural and operational imperatives of the bureaucratic and professional sides of the university.

Prof. Strydom concluded by stating that it is possible to continue with an almost never ending list of important themes in HE studies adding perspectives on why it is so easy to misuse universities for politics instead of recognising our responsibility to carefully consider contributions to transformation in such an immensely complicated institution as the university within a higher education and training system.

Download Valedictory lecture of Prof. Kalie Strydom (Pdf)

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication (acting)
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl@ufs.ac.za
29 October 2010

Back

Economic and Management Sciences

Education

Health Sciences

The Humanities

Law

Natural and Agricultural Sciences

Theology and Religion

Open Distance Learning

Business School

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept