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31 August 2020 | Story Dr Chitja Twala
R Chitja Twala
Dr Chitja Twala is the Vice Dean in the Faculty of The Humanities.

In the 1940s, the then (Orange) Free State produced a crop of female leaders whose role in the liberation struggle is unknown – or rather, for whatever reason – ‘neglected’. Among these leaders was one Moipone Martha Motlhakwana. Testimony to the above was an article published by the Mail and Guardian on 25 August 2016 under the heading 60 Iconic Women – The people behind the 1956 Women’s March to Pretoria. In this article, only four lines are dedicated to her, contrary to what has been written about other leaders, such as Lilian Ngoyi, Lizzy Abrahams, Lucy Mvubelo, and many others. This is an indication of the possible ‘neglect’ in highlighting the role played by other women in places such as the Free State. In this article, I argue that Motlhakwana’s role in the liberation struggle was by no means minimal, compared to the leaders mentioned above. 

When one evaluates her role and contribution to the struggle, it is important to always keep in mind the context of the time and the scope of possibilities that were available to the liberation movements. This article briefly examines her role at a crucial time when Motlhakwana’s beloved movement, the African National Congress (ANC), is experiencing its most difficult and trying times since coming to power in 1994.

The Defiance Campaign

Motlhakwana was born into the Makabane family in Leqwala in the Thaba Nchu district on 23 December 1906. She was a devoted Christian. Being a Christian did not prevent her from participating fully in politics. Long before the 1956 anti-pass march, Motlhakwana was instrumental in organising the 1952 Defiance Campaign in Bloemfontein. Meetings for organising this campaign were held in an open space where the Paradise Hall in Bochabela Location in Bloemfontein is situated today. She led a women’s support group demanding the release of those arrested and jailed in the Ramkraal Prison in Bloemfontein. It became known to the Special Branch that her house was, at the time, used as the ANCWL’s ‘headquarters’ in town; therefore, the house was monitored and kept under police surveillance.

Motlhakwana also participated in the 1956 anti-mass march to Pretoria. In the Bloemfontein area, she mobilised people in the burning of passes. Her fearless organising strategies earned her a nickname in the community as Motabola Pasa or Mochesa Pasa (the one instrumental in tearing of the dompas or the one burning the passes). She was among the people who were arrested and detained during the Treason Trial. After being acquitted, she was placed under house arrest. Together with her friend in the struggle, Pretty Molatole, they were involved in establishing the ANCWL in Bloemfontein. Most of the league’s meetings were held at Motlhakwana’s place. She used to travel around the province to establish ANCWL branches in places such as Bethlehem, Ficksburg, and Thaba Nchu, to name a few. It was during this period in the mid-1950s that she worked closely with the leaders of the ANC in Bloemfontein, such as Jacob B Mafora, Caleb Motshabi, and Leslie Monnenyane.

In her honour

In honour of her contribution to the liberation struggle in South Africa and not only in the Free State, a tombstone was unveiled at the Phahameng Cemetery, adjacent to the Heroes’ Acre, on Thursday 5 January 2012; this unveiling coincided with the centenary celebrations of the ANC as the oldest liberation movement in Africa. Addressing the masses during the unveiling of the tombstone, the Chairperson of the ANCWL in the Free State and the current Premier, Sisi Ntombela, stated: “Most people have the concept that the anti-pass march started in Johannesburg in 1956, but that is not the case because the first march was started in the province by women such as Motlhakwana and Mei Likotsi and others who were leaders at the time, and mobilised the women for the march. As we unveiled the Motlhakwana tombstone, we also discovered that her grandchildren have kept the passes of those women whom she organised at that time. She made sure that women were developed, not only in politics but also in trade unionism. The Free State is the centre where everything started; this year [2012] is the ANC Centenary, but next year we will be holding the ANCWL Centenary for the Free State women.”

Owing to illness, Motlhakwana passed away on Thursday 27 July 1989. She was buried in the Phahameng ‘Magengenene’ Cemetery in Bloemfontein, not far from the Heroes’ Acre.

There are many women of Motlhakwana’s political stature in the Free State, whose histories should be documented in the form of biographies.

News Archive

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy
2007-08-06

 

In her inaugural lecture Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Sciences, focused on the impact that Pan-Africanist sentiments have had on South Africa’s foreign policy. She also put the resulting contradictions and ambiguities into context. At her inaugural lecture were, from the left: Proff. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS), Heidi Hudson, Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Faculty of The Humanities) and Daan Wessels (Research Associate in the Department of Political Science).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy

“We are committed to full participation as an equal partner … opposed to any efforts which might seek to project South Africa as some kind of superpower on our continent. … the people of Africa share a common destiny and must therefore … address their challenges … as a united force...” (Mbeki 1998:198-199).

Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Science referred to this statement made by president Mbeki (made at the opening of the OAU Conference of Ministers of Information in 1995) when she delivered her inaugural lecture on the topic: South African foreign policy: The politics of Pan-Africanism and pragmatism.

One of the questions she asked is: “Can the South African state deliver democracy and welfare at home while simultaneously creating a stable, rules-based African community?”

She answers: “South Africa needs to reflect more critically and honestly on the dualism inherent in its ideological assumptions regarding relations with Africa. South Africa will always be expected by some to play a leadership role in Africa. At the moment, South Africa’s desire to be liked is hampering its role as leader of the continent.”

In her lecture she highlighted the ideological underpinnings and manifestations of South Africa’s foreign policy. Throughout she alluded to the risks associated with single-mindedly following an ideologically driven foreign policy. She emphasised that domestic or national interests are the victims in this process.

Prof. Hudson offers three broad options for South Africa to consider:

  • The Predator – the selfish bully promoting South African economic interest.
  • Mr Nice Guy – the non-hegemonic partner of the African boys club, multilaterally pursuing a pivotal but not dominant role.
  • The Hegemon - South Africa driving regional integration according to its values and favouring some African countries over others, and with checks and balances by civil society.

She chooses option three of hegemony. “Politically correct research views hegemony as bad and partnership as good. This is a romanticised notion – the two are not mutually exclusive,” she said.

However, she states that there have to be prerequisites to control the exercise of power. “The promotion of a counter-hegemon, such as Nigeria, is necessary. Nigeria has been more effective in some respects than South Africa in establishing its leadership, particularly in West Africa. Also needed is that government should be checked by civil society to avoid it sinking into authoritarianism. The case of business and labour coming to an agreement over the HIV/Aids issue is a positive example which illustrates that government cannot ignore civil society. But much more needs to be done in this regard. South Africa must also be very careful in how it uses its aid and should focus potential aid and development projects more explicitly in terms of promoting political stability,” she said.

Prof. Hudson said: “It is also questionable whether Mbeki’s Afro-centrism has in fact promoted the interests of ordinary citizens across Africa. Instead, elite interests in some countries have benefited. But ultimately, the single most important cost is the damage done to the moral code and ethical principles on which the South African Constitution and democracy is founded.

“In the end we all lose out. More pragmatism and less ideology in our relations within Africa may just be what are needed,” she said.

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