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25 May 2020 | Story Prof Danie Brand | Photo iStock

What can we say about human rights in the context of celebrations on the idea(l) of African unity?

Some of the stock-in-trade questions that arise are, to me, not interesting. So, for example, to ask whether human rights are indigenous to Africa – in the sense that they come from here (whether they are African) – is senseless. If human rights are indeed rights inherent to every human being – of course they are and of course they do – just as they are indigenous to and come from everywhere where human beings live their lives together.

To ask instead what human rights bring to, can do, or mean for Africa, borders on the insulting. This question suggests that human rights are somehow extraneous to Africa, to be brought as a gift from elsewhere. It suggests, therefore, thinly veiled neo-imperialism.

Far more interesting is to ask what Africa brings to human rights – what human rights are in Africa. To this question there are several well-trodden, but still important answers.

First, as appears clearly from the title of Africa’s central human-rights document, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Africa brings to human rights the idea of collective, or peoples’ rights. Human rights in Africa are embedded in the fights of various African nations and the continent itself against – as Kwame Nkrumah called it – ‘imperialism and its handmaidens, colonialism and neo-colonialism’, fights of peoples for self-determination against external domination. From this arose recognition for the rights of peoples, such as the right to exist; the right to development; the right to self-determination; and the right to freedom from foreign economic domination and exploitation. This is significant, because it is frank about the political nature of rights and the importance of rights for political struggle against continuing oppression and exploitation. 

Second, as also appears from the ACHPR, Africa has brought to human rights the idea that rights have duties as their corollary. This is the idea that rights are not individual, but nested in relationships; that we each have our rights because we live together with others and as members of a broader collective, and so, we have duties towards those others and towards the broader collective. These are duties to regard others, but also to regard the collective, partly again, in its struggle for self-determination and in a sense, recognition. To take account of others, for example, individuals under African human rights law have the duty to exercise their rights “with due regard to the rights of others” and the duty “to respect and consider … fellow beings without discrimination, and to maintain relations aimed at promoting, safeguarding, and reinforcing mutual respect and tolerance”. To regard the collective, individuals have, among others, the duty “(t)o serve (the) national community by placing (all) physical and intellectual abilities at its service”; “to preserve and strengthen the national independence and the territorial integrity of (their) country and to contribute to its defense in accordance with the law”; and, not surprisingly, the duty “(t)o contribute to the best of (their) abilities, at all times and at all levels, to the promotion and achievement of African unity”. Perhaps more controversially, individuals also have a duty to exercise their rights with due regard to “collective security, morality and common interest” and the duty “(t)o preserve and strengthen social and national solidarity”. This, in turn, is significant, because it suggests a break with, or at least a departure from traditional liberal notions of rights, based on an atomistic vision of the individual and intended for the protection only of individual rights against others.

A third notion brought to human rights by Africa, is perhaps a little less known. In a manifesto adopted at the 1945 Pan-Africanist Congress in Manchester, we find the following arresting phrase as an expression of the Pan-Africanist ideal: “We want the right … to express our thoughts and emotions; to adopt and create forms of beauty.”

Here, I read a right that I have not yet come across elsewhere. This is certainly not only the already deeply entrenched right to freedom of expression and artistic or academic freedom that we are used to in Western notions of rights. Instead, this phrase suggests to me a right to both an epistemology and an ontology – to both understand the world and live in the world as we (choose to) do. How is this different from the notions of peoples’ rights to self-determination and people’s duty to assist in the quest for that self-determination referred to above? There seems to be an element of self-determination at play also in this right to understand and live in the world as we do – it is also the right of peoples to understand and to live as they choose.

What attracts me to this right, apart from the beauty of its formulation, is its self-confidence – the way in which it is asserted without reference to, not relative to, anyone or anything else. A common theme in both the notion of peoples’ rights and of duties correlative to rights in African human rights law, is the importance attached to achievement of self-determination, in a sense of recognition for Africa, its peoples, and the individuals who make up those peoples – that is, self-determination and recognition as against imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism. Although current conditions of neo-colonialism and the continuance of colonialism in most ways clearly require this oppositional stance and formulation, it does present a problem. It opens both these notions to the charge that they perpetually “reduce (us) to the status of complainants” (Ndebele 2000); that in their oppositional formulation, “the confronted other (imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism) is still recognised as the source of power, even at a time when political power has already been wrestled away from the other” (Van der Walt 2001).

A right to express ideas and emotions and adopt and create forms of beauty – to an epistemology and ontology – is instead asserted on its own terms. It seems a right to understand and live in the world as we (choose to) do, not against, but alongside others. As such, it offers a glimpse of “dispensations of true African cultural recovery and re-orientation” (Falola 2018).

This article was written by Prof Danie Brand - Director: Free State Centre for Human Rights

News Archive

National Human Trafficking Resource Line a victim-centred approach to combating crime
2017-08-24

Description: Beatri Kruger Tags: Beatri Kruger 

Prof Beatri Kruger, Adjunct Professor at the
UFS Faculty of Law. Photo: Supplied

As a response to the rising number of human trafficking cases in South Africa and around the world, key role players in various fields have pulled together to come up with workable solutions on how to stop the crime and assist victims. Some of the work being done by NGOs and law enforcement agencies has been supported by insights from research conducted in communities and by academic institutions. According to Prof Beatri Kruger, Adjunct Professor of Law in the Faculty of Law at the University of the Free State and experienced researcher in human trafficking, support for victims has grown in leaps and bounds with the help of the latest technology. More and better quality information can be collected to strengthen efforts of combating the crime,” she said.

One such technological development is the national Human Trafficking Resource Line, which provides various services, including information on trafficking activities, assistance to agencies working with victims of trafficking in persons (TIP), creating a network from which data can be collected, analysed, and activities tracked, in order to ensure the best service to victims.

The resource line connects callers, often victims of TIP or anonymous tippers, to service providers in social services, law enforcement, places of safety, medical facilities, and government agencies, especially during emergencies. 

Resource line a helping hand to victims

The resource line was established in 2016 and has replaced the previous helpline. This line provides more services and resources than just a helpline. Through partnerships, it works to strengthen local and national structures that can assist victims over the phone. 

Call specialists are trained by Polaris, an American company using international standards and protocols. The call specialists are available 24/7 to take reports of human trafficking confidentially and anonymously. They put victims in touch with service providers for health screening, counselling, and repatriation if they are from another country, and also assist with case management.

Empowering service providers is the key to success

Support for service providers such as NGOs, safe houses, and government departments in the network is in the form of skills training programmes for staff, and a referral system in various provinces around the country. There are good referral partners in each province, as well as provincial coordinators ensuring accountability regarding cases, mobilising services for victims, and coordinating the referrals and response.  

To strengthen the network further, services provided in each province are being standardised to ensure that the right people are contacted when handling cases, and that key stakeholders in each province are used. The strength of the provincial provider network is key to offering victims of human trafficking the services they need.

Human trafficking is a crime that permeates multiple academic disciplines and professions. Therefore, information collected from victims through such a helpline and collated by agencies, will assist academic institutions such as the UFS in furthering their research, while strengthening the content of academic programmes in fields such as law, law enforcement, social sciences, health sciences, and international relations.

The number to call for reporting or providing tips on TIP-related crimes and activities, is 0800 222 777.

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