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25 May 2020 | Story Prof Danie Brand | Photo iStock

What can we say about human rights in the context of celebrations on the idea(l) of African unity?

Some of the stock-in-trade questions that arise are, to me, not interesting. So, for example, to ask whether human rights are indigenous to Africa – in the sense that they come from here (whether they are African) – is senseless. If human rights are indeed rights inherent to every human being – of course they are and of course they do – just as they are indigenous to and come from everywhere where human beings live their lives together.

To ask instead what human rights bring to, can do, or mean for Africa, borders on the insulting. This question suggests that human rights are somehow extraneous to Africa, to be brought as a gift from elsewhere. It suggests, therefore, thinly veiled neo-imperialism.

Far more interesting is to ask what Africa brings to human rights – what human rights are in Africa. To this question there are several well-trodden, but still important answers.

First, as appears clearly from the title of Africa’s central human-rights document, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Africa brings to human rights the idea of collective, or peoples’ rights. Human rights in Africa are embedded in the fights of various African nations and the continent itself against – as Kwame Nkrumah called it – ‘imperialism and its handmaidens, colonialism and neo-colonialism’, fights of peoples for self-determination against external domination. From this arose recognition for the rights of peoples, such as the right to exist; the right to development; the right to self-determination; and the right to freedom from foreign economic domination and exploitation. This is significant, because it is frank about the political nature of rights and the importance of rights for political struggle against continuing oppression and exploitation. 

Second, as also appears from the ACHPR, Africa has brought to human rights the idea that rights have duties as their corollary. This is the idea that rights are not individual, but nested in relationships; that we each have our rights because we live together with others and as members of a broader collective, and so, we have duties towards those others and towards the broader collective. These are duties to regard others, but also to regard the collective, partly again, in its struggle for self-determination and in a sense, recognition. To take account of others, for example, individuals under African human rights law have the duty to exercise their rights “with due regard to the rights of others” and the duty “to respect and consider … fellow beings without discrimination, and to maintain relations aimed at promoting, safeguarding, and reinforcing mutual respect and tolerance”. To regard the collective, individuals have, among others, the duty “(t)o serve (the) national community by placing (all) physical and intellectual abilities at its service”; “to preserve and strengthen the national independence and the territorial integrity of (their) country and to contribute to its defense in accordance with the law”; and, not surprisingly, the duty “(t)o contribute to the best of (their) abilities, at all times and at all levels, to the promotion and achievement of African unity”. Perhaps more controversially, individuals also have a duty to exercise their rights with due regard to “collective security, morality and common interest” and the duty “(t)o preserve and strengthen social and national solidarity”. This, in turn, is significant, because it suggests a break with, or at least a departure from traditional liberal notions of rights, based on an atomistic vision of the individual and intended for the protection only of individual rights against others.

A third notion brought to human rights by Africa, is perhaps a little less known. In a manifesto adopted at the 1945 Pan-Africanist Congress in Manchester, we find the following arresting phrase as an expression of the Pan-Africanist ideal: “We want the right … to express our thoughts and emotions; to adopt and create forms of beauty.”

Here, I read a right that I have not yet come across elsewhere. This is certainly not only the already deeply entrenched right to freedom of expression and artistic or academic freedom that we are used to in Western notions of rights. Instead, this phrase suggests to me a right to both an epistemology and an ontology – to both understand the world and live in the world as we (choose to) do. How is this different from the notions of peoples’ rights to self-determination and people’s duty to assist in the quest for that self-determination referred to above? There seems to be an element of self-determination at play also in this right to understand and live in the world as we do – it is also the right of peoples to understand and to live as they choose.

What attracts me to this right, apart from the beauty of its formulation, is its self-confidence – the way in which it is asserted without reference to, not relative to, anyone or anything else. A common theme in both the notion of peoples’ rights and of duties correlative to rights in African human rights law, is the importance attached to achievement of self-determination, in a sense of recognition for Africa, its peoples, and the individuals who make up those peoples – that is, self-determination and recognition as against imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism. Although current conditions of neo-colonialism and the continuance of colonialism in most ways clearly require this oppositional stance and formulation, it does present a problem. It opens both these notions to the charge that they perpetually “reduce (us) to the status of complainants” (Ndebele 2000); that in their oppositional formulation, “the confronted other (imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism) is still recognised as the source of power, even at a time when political power has already been wrestled away from the other” (Van der Walt 2001).

A right to express ideas and emotions and adopt and create forms of beauty – to an epistemology and ontology – is instead asserted on its own terms. It seems a right to understand and live in the world as we (choose to) do, not against, but alongside others. As such, it offers a glimpse of “dispensations of true African cultural recovery and re-orientation” (Falola 2018).

This article was written by Prof Danie Brand - Director: Free State Centre for Human Rights

News Archive

Association of Former SRC Presidents – first of its kind
2013-08-19

 

Some of the former SRC presidents who attended the inaugural dinner were, from the left: Roelf Meyer, Bloemfontein Campus 1970; Dr More Chakane, Qwaqwa Campus 1990; vice-chairperson of the AFSP; Dr Anchen Laubscher, first woman president of the Bloemfontein Campus 2003; and Prof Voet du Plessis, Bloemfontein Campus 1967/8.
Photo: Stephen Collett
19 August 2013

The University of the Free State (UFS) made history this weekend with the establishment of its Association of Former SRC Presidents (AFSP) – the first association of its kind after the merging and incorporation of public institutions in 2003–2004.

Twenty-two former SRC presidents attended the inaugural dinner to launch the association on Women's Day, Friday 9 August 2013, and recognised especially the attendance of all four female presidents that previously chaired the SRC. Other guests included former rectors and chairpersons of the UFS Council, as well as chairpersons of the Alumni.

The attending presidents served during the period 1967–2012, either at the former University of the Orange Free State (UOFS), the Qwaqwa Campus of the former University of the North, South Campus of the former Vista University and the University of the Free State.

“Your very personal narratives as former student leaders during the troubled past of our history in South Africa matter most as you design the questions for and purpose of an authentic conversation with student leaders today – this will set your association apart from others," said Rudi Buys, Dean of Student Affairs.

Former SRC president of 1975/6 and now founding member and chairperson of the association, Dr Michiel Strauss, said that this is the opportunity for former student leaders to give back to the younger generation.

“It is true that many middle-aged white South Africans have a deep sense of debt and obligation towards the youth of our country. We owe them an apology for the discrepancies of the past. This apology should be more than just words. Deeds of reconciliation and restitution must be seen.

“As for myself; I was president of the SRC of the then UOFS in the same period in which the biggest part of the youth of South Africa suffered so much in their struggle for freedom in our country.

“In my personal capacity, as well as in my official capacity as SRC president, I did nothing to try and understand and/or co-operate in the struggle of my peers. This fact haunts me until this day.

“The question then for people like me and so many others, is: Where do I invest my time and energy and passion for this country? Where will my contribution make a real difference? There is no better answer to this burning question than to invest in the human resources in our beloved South Africa, and more focused – to invest in the young people.

“There is something meaningful and beautiful happening at the UFS and it is now a leader in academic standards, reconciliation, leadership formation and nation building. I can think of no better place to make my small contribution,” Dr Strauss said.

“As former student leaders, we have a sense of purpose to contribute to the university and there is no better time to start than now. It is my privilege to be part of this great initiative and I look forward to what will be achieved,” said Dr More Chakane, deputy chairperson of AFSP and former SRC president of the Uniqwa Campus of the University of the North in 1990 (now the Qwaqwa Campus of the UFS).

Roelf Meyer, known for the prominent role he played in the negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa and chairperson of the Civil Society Initiative (CSI) of South Africa, said his time as a leader at the university has given him the opportunity to apply and use his skills and experience and share it with the new leaders of the institution. "The UFS is highly regarded because of the exceptional standards and excellence portrayed by its senior leadership. Where I can make a difference, I'll do it with pleasure and pride," he said. Meyer served as SRC president in 1970.

The association met on Saturday 10 August 2013 to adopt its interim constitution and consider operational matters, while also reaching agreement on its core functions in support of its purpose to transfer change leadership skills to incumbent student leaders and mediate meaningful contributions of Alumni to the growth of the university.

“We greatly value the declared intention of AFSP to work with the university to design meaningful and sustainable mentorship programmes to support and guide student leaders on campus, and have pledged our support in this regard,” said Buys.

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