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25 May 2020 | Story Prof Danie Brand | Photo iStock

What can we say about human rights in the context of celebrations on the idea(l) of African unity?

Some of the stock-in-trade questions that arise are, to me, not interesting. So, for example, to ask whether human rights are indigenous to Africa – in the sense that they come from here (whether they are African) – is senseless. If human rights are indeed rights inherent to every human being – of course they are and of course they do – just as they are indigenous to and come from everywhere where human beings live their lives together.

To ask instead what human rights bring to, can do, or mean for Africa, borders on the insulting. This question suggests that human rights are somehow extraneous to Africa, to be brought as a gift from elsewhere. It suggests, therefore, thinly veiled neo-imperialism.

Far more interesting is to ask what Africa brings to human rights – what human rights are in Africa. To this question there are several well-trodden, but still important answers.

First, as appears clearly from the title of Africa’s central human-rights document, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Africa brings to human rights the idea of collective, or peoples’ rights. Human rights in Africa are embedded in the fights of various African nations and the continent itself against – as Kwame Nkrumah called it – ‘imperialism and its handmaidens, colonialism and neo-colonialism’, fights of peoples for self-determination against external domination. From this arose recognition for the rights of peoples, such as the right to exist; the right to development; the right to self-determination; and the right to freedom from foreign economic domination and exploitation. This is significant, because it is frank about the political nature of rights and the importance of rights for political struggle against continuing oppression and exploitation. 

Second, as also appears from the ACHPR, Africa has brought to human rights the idea that rights have duties as their corollary. This is the idea that rights are not individual, but nested in relationships; that we each have our rights because we live together with others and as members of a broader collective, and so, we have duties towards those others and towards the broader collective. These are duties to regard others, but also to regard the collective, partly again, in its struggle for self-determination and in a sense, recognition. To take account of others, for example, individuals under African human rights law have the duty to exercise their rights “with due regard to the rights of others” and the duty “to respect and consider … fellow beings without discrimination, and to maintain relations aimed at promoting, safeguarding, and reinforcing mutual respect and tolerance”. To regard the collective, individuals have, among others, the duty “(t)o serve (the) national community by placing (all) physical and intellectual abilities at its service”; “to preserve and strengthen the national independence and the territorial integrity of (their) country and to contribute to its defense in accordance with the law”; and, not surprisingly, the duty “(t)o contribute to the best of (their) abilities, at all times and at all levels, to the promotion and achievement of African unity”. Perhaps more controversially, individuals also have a duty to exercise their rights with due regard to “collective security, morality and common interest” and the duty “(t)o preserve and strengthen social and national solidarity”. This, in turn, is significant, because it suggests a break with, or at least a departure from traditional liberal notions of rights, based on an atomistic vision of the individual and intended for the protection only of individual rights against others.

A third notion brought to human rights by Africa, is perhaps a little less known. In a manifesto adopted at the 1945 Pan-Africanist Congress in Manchester, we find the following arresting phrase as an expression of the Pan-Africanist ideal: “We want the right … to express our thoughts and emotions; to adopt and create forms of beauty.”

Here, I read a right that I have not yet come across elsewhere. This is certainly not only the already deeply entrenched right to freedom of expression and artistic or academic freedom that we are used to in Western notions of rights. Instead, this phrase suggests to me a right to both an epistemology and an ontology – to both understand the world and live in the world as we (choose to) do. How is this different from the notions of peoples’ rights to self-determination and people’s duty to assist in the quest for that self-determination referred to above? There seems to be an element of self-determination at play also in this right to understand and live in the world as we do – it is also the right of peoples to understand and to live as they choose.

What attracts me to this right, apart from the beauty of its formulation, is its self-confidence – the way in which it is asserted without reference to, not relative to, anyone or anything else. A common theme in both the notion of peoples’ rights and of duties correlative to rights in African human rights law, is the importance attached to achievement of self-determination, in a sense of recognition for Africa, its peoples, and the individuals who make up those peoples – that is, self-determination and recognition as against imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism. Although current conditions of neo-colonialism and the continuance of colonialism in most ways clearly require this oppositional stance and formulation, it does present a problem. It opens both these notions to the charge that they perpetually “reduce (us) to the status of complainants” (Ndebele 2000); that in their oppositional formulation, “the confronted other (imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism) is still recognised as the source of power, even at a time when political power has already been wrestled away from the other” (Van der Walt 2001).

A right to express ideas and emotions and adopt and create forms of beauty – to an epistemology and ontology – is instead asserted on its own terms. It seems a right to understand and live in the world as we (choose to) do, not against, but alongside others. As such, it offers a glimpse of “dispensations of true African cultural recovery and re-orientation” (Falola 2018).

This article was written by Prof Danie Brand - Director: Free State Centre for Human Rights

News Archive

Sunflowers are satellite dishes for sunshine, or are they?
2016-07-20

Eighty-six percent of South Africa’s
sunflowers are produced in the
Free State and North West provinces.

Helen Mirren, the English actress, said “the sunflower is like a satellite dish for sunshine”. However, researchers at the University of the Free State (UFS) have found that too much of this sunshine could have a negative effect on the growth of sunflowers, which are a major source of oil in South Africa.

According to Dr Gert Ceronio from the Department of Soil, Crop, and Climate Sciences at the UFS, extremely high soil temperatures play a definite role in the sprouting of sunflower seedlings. Together with Lize Henning, professional officer in the department, and Dr André Nel from the Agricultural Research Council, he is doing research on biotic and abiotic factors that could have an impact on sunflowers.

Description: Sonneblom 2 Tags: Sonneblom 2

Various degrees of deformity (bad-left
to none-right) in seedlings of the same
cultivar at very high soil temperatures.
Photo: Dr Gert Ceronio

Impact of high temperatures on sunflower production

The Free State and North West provinces, which produce 86% of South Africa’s sunflowers, are afflicted especially by high summer temperatures that lead to extremely high soil temperatures.

Dr Ceronio says: “Although sunflower seeds are able to germinate at temperatures from as low as 4°C to as high as 41°C, soil temperatures of 35°C and higher could have a negative effect on the vegetative faculty of sunflower seedlings, and could have an adverse effect on the percentage of sunflowers that germinate. From the end of November until mid-January, this is a common phenomenon in the sandy soil of the Free State and North West provinces. Soil temperatures can easily exceed the critical temperature of 43°C, which can lead to poor germination and even the replanting of sunflowers.”

Since temperature have a huge impact not only on the germination of sunflower seeds, but also on the vegetative faculty and sprouting of sunflower seedlings, Dr Ceronio suggests that sunflowers should be planted in soil with soil temperatures of 22 to 30°C. Planting is usually done in October and early November. Unfortunately, this is not always possible, as soil moisture is not optimal for growth. Farmers are then compelled to plant sunflowers later.

Impact of herbicides on sunflower growth

“High soil temperatures, combined with the herbicide sensitivity of some cultivars, could lead to the poor development of seedlings," says Dr Ceronio.

The use of herbicides, such as ALACHLOR, for the control of weeds in sunflowers is common practice in sunflower production. It has already been determined that ALACHLOR could still have a damaging effect on the seedlings of some cultivars during germination and sprouting, even at recommended application dosages.

“The purpose of the continued research is to establish the sensitivity of sunflower cultivars to ALACHLOR when exposed to high soil temperatures,” says Dr Ceronio.

 

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