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06 May 2020 | Story Prof Thidziambi Phendla. | Photo Supplied
Prof Thidziambi Phendla.

Our lives as we know it will never be the same again because of the Covid-19 pandemic. The education system, among other sectors, will be subjected to changes in the provisioning of teaching and learning. 

School disruptions are a familiar phenomenon in both basic and post-school education in South Africa. In recent years, South Africa has seen waves of student boycotts, disruptions, and shutdowns of universities and TVET colleges. Most disruptions lasted for a few days, while some went on for several weeks. One case in particular is that of Vuwani in Limpopo, where more than 50 schools were either vandalised or burned to ashes; nevertheless, the school year was recovered, and learners progressed to the next level. The main difference between the usual disruptions and the current situation lies in the enormity of the shutdown, given that it is clouded at a national level by unpredictable decisions made by the National Committee. 

Shortening school holidays
If the June exams were to be scrapped, the chief challenge would be the lost opportunity to evaluate and assess the extent to which the students have achieved the academic objectives stipulated for the subjects in the curriculum. June examinations for the other grades may not have a serious impact on the learner’s progress to the next class, as other forms of assessment could still be used. However, for matric learners, scrapping the June exams may have a huge effect, since learners require quality assessed examination results to guarantee entrance into higher education institutions.

Shortening of school holidays may not have a huge impact on learners, as this system has been in operation for many years. Many of the best performing schools shorten the school holidays to assist learners in Grades 11 and 12. In many schools, learners continue with normal schooling during the June holidays and rest during the last week of the holiday.  This strategy is already being used by the best performing schools in their quest to support learners to achieve excellent matric results. Depending on the number of days lost during the national lockdown, the option of shortening the June holidays may be the most commendable.

At face value, the strategy to lengthen school days may be the most preferred, as a number of schools in the country are already implementing it at a deeper level. Increasing the number of teaching hours may, however, have an adverse impact on the learners, who may experience enormous mental exhaustion. If the day is lengthened, it is advisable to consider not more than five hours per week.  

Deliver modern and classroom-targeted technologies 
To complement the time recovery mentioned above, there would be a need for a series of changes in some, if not all, the fundamental elements of the effective provision of teaching and learning discussed below. First, change in pedagogical approaches is inevitable. Therefore, classroom teaching will not be the same again. Second, teachers will be compelled to adapt to the use of assessment data in their endeavours to drive teaching and learning. Third, teaching in the 4IR will no longer be negotiable, but will demand advanced skills to deliver modern and classroom-targeted technologies.

Fourth, it will be crucial for teachers to acquire innovative skills to manage students’ undesirable behaviour and conduct. Fifth, immense attention to curriculum mapping, integrated learning, and lesson planning will be required. Last, pastoral care responsibilities that include social and emotional support strategies will help provide the foundation to support teaching and learning. 

In conclusion, the principal elements that make teaching and learning possible and attainable, are the teachers who will be required to learn new skills and approaches to fast-track recovery of learning. If the lockdown is lifted and schools are reopened, the number of learners must be reduced dramatically from the average of 50 to a maximum of 20 learners in a classroom in order to maintain social distancing.

Prof Thidziambi Phendla is currently Manager of Work-Integrated Learning at the University of the Free State. She is the Founder and Director of the Domestic Worker Advocacy Forum (DWAF) and the Study Clinic Surrogate Supervision; and Chair of the Council of the Tshwane North TVET College (ministerial appointment).


News Archive

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy
2007-08-06

 

In her inaugural lecture Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Sciences, focused on the impact that Pan-Africanist sentiments have had on South Africa’s foreign policy. She also put the resulting contradictions and ambiguities into context. At her inaugural lecture were, from the left: Proff. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS), Heidi Hudson, Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Faculty of The Humanities) and Daan Wessels (Research Associate in the Department of Political Science).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy

“We are committed to full participation as an equal partner … opposed to any efforts which might seek to project South Africa as some kind of superpower on our continent. … the people of Africa share a common destiny and must therefore … address their challenges … as a united force...” (Mbeki 1998:198-199).

Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Science referred to this statement made by president Mbeki (made at the opening of the OAU Conference of Ministers of Information in 1995) when she delivered her inaugural lecture on the topic: South African foreign policy: The politics of Pan-Africanism and pragmatism.

One of the questions she asked is: “Can the South African state deliver democracy and welfare at home while simultaneously creating a stable, rules-based African community?”

She answers: “South Africa needs to reflect more critically and honestly on the dualism inherent in its ideological assumptions regarding relations with Africa. South Africa will always be expected by some to play a leadership role in Africa. At the moment, South Africa’s desire to be liked is hampering its role as leader of the continent.”

In her lecture she highlighted the ideological underpinnings and manifestations of South Africa’s foreign policy. Throughout she alluded to the risks associated with single-mindedly following an ideologically driven foreign policy. She emphasised that domestic or national interests are the victims in this process.

Prof. Hudson offers three broad options for South Africa to consider:

  • The Predator – the selfish bully promoting South African economic interest.
  • Mr Nice Guy – the non-hegemonic partner of the African boys club, multilaterally pursuing a pivotal but not dominant role.
  • The Hegemon - South Africa driving regional integration according to its values and favouring some African countries over others, and with checks and balances by civil society.

She chooses option three of hegemony. “Politically correct research views hegemony as bad and partnership as good. This is a romanticised notion – the two are not mutually exclusive,” she said.

However, she states that there have to be prerequisites to control the exercise of power. “The promotion of a counter-hegemon, such as Nigeria, is necessary. Nigeria has been more effective in some respects than South Africa in establishing its leadership, particularly in West Africa. Also needed is that government should be checked by civil society to avoid it sinking into authoritarianism. The case of business and labour coming to an agreement over the HIV/Aids issue is a positive example which illustrates that government cannot ignore civil society. But much more needs to be done in this regard. South Africa must also be very careful in how it uses its aid and should focus potential aid and development projects more explicitly in terms of promoting political stability,” she said.

Prof. Hudson said: “It is also questionable whether Mbeki’s Afro-centrism has in fact promoted the interests of ordinary citizens across Africa. Instead, elite interests in some countries have benefited. But ultimately, the single most important cost is the damage done to the moral code and ethical principles on which the South African Constitution and democracy is founded.

“In the end we all lose out. More pragmatism and less ideology in our relations within Africa may just be what are needed,” she said.

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