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06 October 2020 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Supplied
Dr Kgosi Mocwagae explored the Qwaqwa water crisis because at a young age, he could not understand why the community in which he grew up faced so many water challenges despite a high presence of water from rivers, consistent rainfall, and streams bursting from the ground.

Dr Kgosi Mocwagae, Programme Director and Lecturer: Department of Urban and Regional Planning, received his PhD qualification during the October virtual graduation ceremonies.

His study, titled Exploring the Qwaqwa water crisis for effective planning post-apartheid, focuses on the water crisis in the Qwaqwa area, which commenced on 1 January 2016 and saw people without access to clean drinking water from their taps. The community had to turn to alternative means, such as collecting water from government-contracted water tankers, rivers, emergency hydrants, and wells.

Understanding the water crisis

Dr Mocwagae says the reason why he took up this study was because at a young age, he could not understand why the community in which he grew up faced so many water challenges despite a high presence of water from rivers, consistent rainfall, and streams bursting from the ground.
 
In this study, he aimed to explore the history of water policy in South Africa, together with the water crisis in Qwaqwa. He also documented the lived experiences of the affected Qwaqwa communities to determine the effect of not having access to clean drinking water in terms of quality of water, time, money, and distance travelled, to name just a few. 

Dr Mocwagae furthermore assessed interventions by various actors during the Qwaqwa water crisis, which included accessing water from municipally contracted water tankers, streams and rivers, rainwater harvesting, donations, paying for delivery of water, boreholes, and emergency water hydrants intended for fire breakouts. He also investigated the implications of the Qwaqwa water crisis for effective planning in post-apartheid South Africa.

He states: “Despite reports from the government that the Qwaqwa water crisis was an issue from 2015 and a result of drought, the study proved differently.” 

Water crisis due to poor planning

“Firstly, the water crisis was a cumulative effect of poor water planning since the founding of Qwaqwa as a homeland in 1974. Further to this, Qwaqwa has not been able to sufficiently provide water to the community from 1974 to date.”

Dr Mocwagae continues: “A major contributing factor to the water crisis was that the three dams in the area were still performing their primary functions as established during apartheid. Planning would have to be done to reprioritise water to Qwaqwa.

He also found that the municipality had not planned and invested in the maintenance and development of water infrastructure to provide water. 

The study was also able to demonstrate that there is a form of socialisation in planning that does not prioritise the community of Qwaqwa. In this community, more than 50% of the people live in poverty. According to Dr Mocwagae’s findings, the idea exists that the community first needs to be viewed a worthy economic contributor in order for them to benefit from water that originates from Qwaqwa. 

“Alternative means of accessing water and water-use education are also needed as part of the process of resolving the Qwaqwa water crisis,” says Dr Mocwagae. 

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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