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Safe houses and their role in the South African liberation struggle

26 April 2021 | Story Prof Chitja Twala | Photo Sonia Small

Prof Chita Twala — Prof Chitja Twala is an Associate Professor of History and Vice-Dean in the Faculty of the Humanities at the University of the Free State and writes in his personal capacity.

In South Africa, the month of April is referred to as Freedom Month with 27 April known as Freedom Day. In celebrating and commemorating this day in 2021, it is important to acknowledge the role of the contribution of safe houses to the liberation struggle. The safe houses were sometimes referred to as ‘hosting or transit’ houses. The relative dearth in academic research and the scrutiny of those houses cannot be left unattended. This academic investigation attempts to contribute to the South African historiography on cross-border politics and that of liberation struggle studies.

After the banning of liberation movements/organisations such as the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and others by the apartheid regime in the 1960s, these movements established networks of safe houses inside and outside the country. However, in response to this, the regime stepped up its repression by targeting such houses to destabilise the underground activities of the liberation movements.

The significance of the contribution of safe houses to the liberation struggle

Therefore, it is against this background that this article briefly considers highlighting the significance of the contribution of safe houses to the country’s struggle for liberation. In counter-acting the apartheid regime’s efforts, the liberation movements embarked on tightening security measures around safe houses for those using them. These measures amongst other things included, first, that the political cross-border activities were determined by a few individuals within certain ‘cells’. These ‘cell’ leaders were responsible for masterminding the exile routes of those escaping the country.

Second, for security reasons, the owners of these houses and host families were not identified. The houses would mainly be known only to the ‘cell’ leaders. The duration of staying in these safe houses was also determined by those in leadership. Third and lastly, in most cases the political activists who used these houses were not familiar with the territory; thus, tracking their location was not an easy task. Furthermore, the apartheid agents also battled to track their routes into exile because of the limited information of how and where they stayed in transit in the north of the continent. On many occasions, the safe houses were located in towns near the border of South Africa and the intended host country. Ronnie Kasrils remembers meeting Nelson Mandela for the first time in July 1962 in a small safe house in Durban. He recalls that the house belonged to a worker.

In Lesotho there was Maleseka Kena and her husband Jacob Kena who resided in the small village of Tsoelike in the Qacha’s Neck district. Jacob Kena was an influential member of the Communist Party of Lesotho. They used their house as a safe place for South African political activists coming into the area. Although Maleseka was not actively involved in politics, she was sympathetic to the ANC liberation cause. John Aerni-Flessner notes the following about her: ‘Maleseka Kena’s life story, child-rearing, border-crossing, refugee-smuggling, and political involvement as a woman in rural Lesotho turned out to be more compelling from the standpoint of understanding how apartheid and issues of local identity impacted lives in communities of the periphery of the apartheid state. She channelled her political work into groups on both sides of the South Africa/Lesotho border’.

Raids and attacks on safe houses

As mentioned previously, the apartheid regime launched raids and attacks on some of the safe houses. For example, on 30 January 1981 the South African Defence Force (SADF) raided safe houses in Matola, a suburb on the outskirts of Maputo (Mozambique). These safe houses served as transit points for uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK) cadres. During the raid 12 MK members and one Mozambican citizen were killed. Another MK member, Mduduzi Sibanyoni, later died of injuries sustained during the raid. On 9 December 1982 the SADF launched another attack in Maseru (Lesotho). The ‘Moscow House’ which was used as a transit camp in Lesotho became a target of the SADF. This raid was unofficially referred to as ‘Operation Blanket’. In this raid 12 Lesotho nationals and 30 South Africans were killed. Attacks on safe houses in neighbouring states showed the disregard by the apartheid regime for their sovereignty. This was to instil fear in the governments of neighbouring countries so they would desist from supporting the liberation movements. The raid in Lesotho was condemned by the Commonwealth as an infringement of the territorial integrity of the sovereign states. Not only were the safe houses or camps targets, but also offices belonging to the liberation movements. The raid in Gaborone (Botswana) on 14 June 1985 was on the office of MK. This raid was dubbed ‘Operation Plecksy’. During this raid 12 people were killed and only five were members of the ANC.

In Manzini (Swaziland), house number 43 Trelawney Park, a four-bedroomed house belonging to Buthongo and Rebecca Makgomo Masilela provided shelter for ANC members. Masilela’s house was commonly known as KwaMagogo. The house was frequented by the likes of Jacob Zuma during his underground operations in Swaziland. Others who used the house during their operations were Thabo Mbeki and Glory September. In the vicinity was the ‘White House’ which was established by John Nkadimeng on his arrival in the country in 1976. Another safe house in Swaziland was ‘Come Again’ in Fairview.

In Botswana, a kingpin in accommodating political activists crossing into the country from South Africa was Fish Keitsing. He was a Botswana-born ANC activist who was responsible for establishing The Road to Freedom. He came to South Africa at the age of 23 as a migrant worker and joined the ANC in 1949, later becoming the leader of the Newclare Congress Branch and was its volunteer-in-chief during the 1952 Defiance Campaign. He was charged along with others in the Treason Trial of 1959-1961 and was later deported to Botswana. Before he left South Africa, Walter Sisulu asked him to set up a safe house in Lobatse. Assisted in his task of controlling the Road to Freedom were other ANC activists, including Free State-born Dan Tloome, Michael Dingake, Mack Mosepeli and Mpho Motsamai.

Although this article samples just a few of these safe houses and the role the owners played in assisting South African political activists en route to exile, more is still to be academically recorded in this regard.

* Chitja Twala is an Associate Professor of History and Vice-Dean in the Faculty of the Humanities at the University of the Free State and writes in his personal capacity

News Archive

Artikel in Die Burger: Steeds is daar die kans vir heling deur Dr Franklin Sonn

2008-04-07

Steeds is daar die kans vir heling

Dr Franklin Sonn - Kanselier van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat en ’n oud-ambassadeur.

TOE gene-navorsers uiteindelik die menslike genoom georden het, is bevind dat menslike wesens inderdaad slegs in minder as 2 % onderling verskil en andersins ooreenstem.

Dít is die goeie nuus.

In die loop van die mens se ontwikkelingsgang en in die proses van ons sosiale organisering is godsdiens-, taal- en kultuurpatrone ontwikkel wat gelei het tot territorium-afbakening en volksvorming waaruit ’n hele geskiedenis van haat, nyd en bloedvergieting ontstaan het het wat ondanks die hoë peil van die beskawing wat die postmoderne mens bereik het, steeds voortwoed.

Dít is die slegte nuus.

Gebeure op die kampus van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) het ons op onnoemlik tragiese wyse herinner aan ons menslike mislukking dat ons – ondanks die oorheersende ooreenkomste tussen ons – ons liewer op grond van die bykans een persent onderlinge verskil vergrype pleeg wat selfs by diere ondenkbaar is. Dat dit boonop op die kampus van ’n universiteit gebeur, is des te ontstellender.

Dit strek ons universiteit egter tot eer dat die verwagte strafstappe onmiddellik gedoen is en dat geen poging aangewend is om selfverskonend verduidelikings te gee of die kombers oor die kop te trek nie.

IN ’n breër konteks wys prof. Hermann Giliomee tereg daarop dat die tydskrif The Economist ’n opname van Markinor gepubliseer het wat aantoon dat meerderhede in al die gemeenskappe te kenne gee dat rasseverhoudings sedert die koms van die demokrasie verbeter het.

Die afleiding daarvan is dat Suid-Afrika in al sy dimensies op die regte pad is en dat ons in die hoop op ’n beter toekoms vir ons almal voortleef. Die nasionale projek om godsdiens, taal en verskille te eerbiedig maar terselfdertyd ’n heterogene tapisserie van eenheid as nasie te bou is die meeste van ons se erns. Ondanks die terugslag is die universiteit verbind tot hierdie toekomsvisie van transformasie wat herhaaldelik leidinggewend deur die rektor, prof. Frederick Fourie, sowel as sy voorganger, prof. Stef Coetzee, uitgespel is.

Vir die UV gaan dit daarom om die pad van insluiting en eenheid diepgaande te bestuur sodat wit en swart die universiteit as tuiste vir almal sien en ervaar en om die idee van verdringing van een groep deur die ander te vermy of selfs te voorkom dat die toestand geskep word dat een groep in die proses op die vlug slaan. Ons is verbind tot die skepping van ’n nierassige universiteit en nie die toestand dat wittes buite woon en swartes binne of andersom nie.

Ons koester die begrip van medemenslikheid en agting vir ons almal se gelyke menswaardigheid op grond van ons oorheersende menslike ooreenkomste en gedeelde waardes. Ons staan rassisme teen, of dit nou van wit of van swart kom. Ons wil nie aan die eenkant versoening predik maar in waansinnige onderlinge verdeeldheid en agterdog voortleef nie. Almal moet die wonder beleef van die moontlikheid dat ons een kan wees.

Ons waardeer dit opreg dat daar van die kant van ons minister Naledi Pandor paslike veroordeling van die rassevoorval uitgespreek is, maar dat sy onmiddellik die fokus geplaas het op die geleenthede wat die geval vir al ons kampusse maar ook vir ons land bied.

Eweneens ervaar ons die reaksie van die rektore van nasionale universiteite as aandoenlik positief waar die vanselfsprekende veroordeling gepaardgegaan het met die oorheersende geneigdheid om as leiers van meer rassige kampusse intellektuele leiding te probeer gee in die bepaling van waar ons land staan in die hantering van rassisme, ons erfsonde.

Ons is maar alte bewus daarvan dat ons ongelukkige geskiedenis van kolonialisme en apartheid nog vars in die geheue is. In ons euforie oor die koms van die demokrasie, wat gegrond is op ons grondwetlike verklaring van ons eenheid, was ons nietemin miskien naïef om te dink dat ons in werklikheid nou een is. Dit was bloot die aanhef. Jody Kollapen van die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie het iets beet wanneer hy aanvoer dat ons wel versoening omhels het, maar naïef gedink het dat solank ons die konsep op ons lippe neem, dit alles sal regmaak. Ons stem saam dat daar inderdaad steeds baie werk te doen is.

Ons wil te maklik die omvang van die taak om ’n nierassige nasie te bou geringskat. Ons misken heel dikwels die inherente gebrek aan kapasiteit by mense om op hul Godgegewe ooreenkomste te fokus. Dit lyk asof mense veel meer geneig is om verskille, gewaand of eg, te beklemtoon. Dit is ’n deel van ons menslikheid. Daar is ’n ontstentenis van leiding van byvoorbeeld ons kerk. Die kerk verkondig met heilige preweling ons eenheid in Christus, maar verdedig onmiddellik daarna dawerend verdeeldheid in die kerk. Ons pas regstelling in die werkplek toe sonder om werklik aandag te gee aan en bronne beskikbaar te stel vir die hantering van geregverdigde swart woede en sonder om begryplike aanmatiging en meerderwaardigheid te versoen met ewe begryplike wit verydeling en vervreemding.

Ons ag diversiteit as ’n gegewe sonder om genoegsame werk daarvan te maak om die rykheid van ons heterogeniteit in te bou in die nierassige eenheidstaat wat ons voorsien. Ons begaan ook die fout om die erfsonde van rassisme as net ’n Suid-Afrikaanse fenomeen te eien en is geskok as ons opmerk hoe diep die kloof tussen groepe in Amerika steeds lê.

SENATOR BARACK OBAMA se toespraak in Philadelphia spreek tot die hart van die kwessie oor hoe moeilik dit is om medemenslik te wees en hoe ons sukkel om ons in ander skoene te plaas en so eenheid te bou.

Ons vergeet so maklik dat ons versugting na vrede nêrens sal kom as ons nie die aandrang verstaan dat niemand gevra word om af te skuif nie, maar dat mense bloot gevra word om op te skuif sodat almal sitplek kan kry sodat ons sodoende mekaar se menswaardigheid kan voel en verstaan. Ons almal het gelyke aanspraak op Suid-Afrikanerskap. Niemand het die reg om meerderwaardig te voel nie. Ons mag ook nie ruimte skenk aan die geboorte of oplewing van ’n nuwe veronderstelling dat gemeensaamheid gebou kan word deur rassevernedering aan die een kant en rassevergelding aan die ander kant nie. Ons in Suid-Afrika het ’n hoë prys betaal vir die beoefening asook die verdraagsaamheid. Ons moet enige vorm van rassehegemonie teenstaan.

Hoe erg die provokasie ook al by swart mense kan wees wanneer ons rassevergelding soek, ons mag dit nooit weer verdra nie. Aan die ander kant is dit ewe gevaarlik dat ons nasionale geesdrif vir vergifnis en versoening deur wit mense geag word as ’n geleentheid om terug te val in gemaksones van meerderwaardigheid en toe-eiening Ons is dit aan ons toekoms verskuldig om hierdie tendense onmiddellik raak te sien en te besweer. Dit verg dapper leierskap. Ons universiteit het rede om trots te wees op ons prestasies om groter oopheid en toeganklikheid te skep. Die afgelope 5 jaar het ons 61 studente uit lande soos die Soedan, Ethiopië, Kameroen, Botswana en Lesotho gedoktoreer. Boonop het 6 studente uit lande soos Korea en Indië by ons doktorsgrade verwerf en 11 uit lande soos Amerika en Duitsland. Dit is ons trots.

Ons aan die UV is dit aan ons land maar ook aan onsself verskuldig om nederig te bly en, waar nodig, ons hand diep in eie boesem te steek, maar terselfdertyd te beklemtoon dat ons nie gedefinieer wil word deur insidentele vergrype van ’n klein groep misleide studente nie – hoe erg hul optrede ook al is. Ons reken daarmee af, maar ons wil graag onsself erken as deelgenote aan die erfenis van die nasionale sonde van rassisme, maar ’n universiteit wat transformasie aktief nastreef. Ons is trots op ons oopheid en wat daaruit voortspruit. Op die oomblik is ons onsosiale tradisie van herkoms Afrikaans en Sotho en is ons daarop ingestel om, waar doenlik en waar dit vereis word, Engels as internasionale taal in te bou in ons pogings om mekaar te vind eerder om ons trotse kultuur tradisies te vergeet.

DIE raad, die senaat, die rektor, die personeel van die universiteit wil saam met studente en werkers opnuut geleenthede soek om in gesprek met mekaar te bly. Ons wil saam opgewonde bly oor die moontlikheid van heling, groei en transformasie wat die onlangse insident vir ons geskep het.

Artikel in Die Burger, Saterdag 22 Maart 2008

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