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09 April 2021 | Story Prof Francis Petersen and Prof Philippe Burger | Photo istock

With a COVID-hit, shrinking economy and a mounting public debt burden, the Minister of Finance, Mr Tito Mboweni, announced a tight budget in February 2021. This budget also constrained its allocation to the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET).

Within the DHET budget, the allocation to the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) was set to increase from R34,8 billion in the 2020/21 fiscal year to R36,4 billion in 2023/24 – a cumulative increase in nominal terms of 4,6% over the three-year period. This allocation covers NSFAS bursaries to university students and students at technical and vocational education and training (TVET) colleges. 

However, the National Treasury’s Budget Review projected inflation at 3,9%, 4,2% and 4,4% in the three fiscal years from 2021/22 to 2023/24. This means that the consumer price level over the three years is expected to cumulatively increase by 13%, well in excess of the 4,6% increase that the government has budgeted for NSFAS. In addition, the government also expected the number of NSFAS students to increase.

Reallocation of the DHET budget

Predictably, student organisations countrywide have expressed their dissatisfaction, which led to protests and campus shutdowns in March 2021. Tragically, a bystander in the protests, Mthokozisi Ntumba, died during police action in Braamfontein. 

Following the protests, the Minister of Higher Education, Innovation and Technology, Dr Blade Nzimande, announced a reallocation of the DHET budget, as approved by Cabinet. A further R6,3 billion has been allocated to NSFAS. A total of R2,5 billion of this reallocation came from a reduction in the general allocation for universities, R3,3 billion from the National Skills Fund, and a further R500 million from the TVET colleges’ new accommodation construction budget.
The provision of university subsidies was already a concern before this reallocation, with the subsidy per student in real terms in the DHET budget set to drop cumulatively by as much as 7% over the period 2020/21 to 2023/24.
In addition to the subsidy and bursary pressures, student organisations are also demanding the full write-off of student debt. Outstanding student debt at South African universities stands just shy of R14 billion. Much of this debt burden is carried by students from so-called missing-middle households, defined as households with an income of between R350 000 and R600 000 per year.  

The current funding model is not financially and fiscally sustainable

With mounting financial pressure, it is clear that the current model of student funding in South Africa is not financially and fiscally sustainable. The deteriorating fiscal condition also makes it unlikely that the government will be able to fully finance the missing middle. Minister Nzimande has indicated that a National Task Team, involving various stakeholders, will be established to address the student funding challenge in a sustainable manner.

The National Task Team will have to revisit the recommendations made by the Heher Commission in 2016. The commission recommended the implementation of an income-contingent student loan scheme. With an income-contingent loan, the student will obtain a loan to cover all or part of his or her tuition, accommodation, books, living costs, and transport. 

Once a student has finished studying and started working, loan repayment can start, but it only commences when the income exceeds a set threshold. The amount paid per month is also linked to the ex-student’s income level. The loan repayment period can be capped, for instance, at 25 or 30 years. Whatever is not repaid after that, is written off.
Such a loan scheme could augment a revised NSFAS bursary scheme, and instead of the hard R350 000 family income cut-off currently applied for NSFAS bursaries, it could be implemented with a sliding family income scale that allows for a combination of bursary and loan financing. Thus, poorer students will receive a bigger or full bursary, reducing their need for a loan, while better-off missing-middle students will need to obtain a partial or full loan. 

Will students be able to afford the debt burden they incur with such loans? In 2019, BusinessTech conducted a survey among eight large South African universities to ascertain the range of tuition fees that students face per year in BA, BCom, BSc, LLB, and BEng degrees. 

Annual tuition fees ranged from R32 560 to R68 135. In 2020 and 2021, universities applied an increase of 5,4% and 4,7% in tuition fees, respectively, which lifts the range to R35 931 and R75 190 in 2021. Setting the allowance for transport, living costs, books, and personal care equal to the 2021 NSFAS allowance of up to R30 600 and assuming accommodation costs of R35 000 for ten months, means the total tuition fees and other costs will range between R101 531 and R140 790 per year. 

If this was the cost for the first year of study, allowing for further tuition fee increases of 4,7% per year for a second (2022) and third (2023) year, and 4% inflation for all other costs, the total cost over three years with a degree obtained at the end of 2023, will range between R317 716 and R441 113, to be repaid over 10 to 30 years. Note that this cost is the same order of magnitude as the current retail price of R376 500 for a Corolla 1.2T Xs, a mid-size family car typically bought by middle-class (including graduate) families. The car, though, is repaid over just five years.

A need for public-private partnership

Given the limits on government finance, even to fund all income-contingent loans, there is a need for significant private sector involvement (banks, pension funds) in funding the loan scheme. If 300 000 students each incur a loan averaging R120 000 per year, the cost would be R36 billion per year (and at a GDP of R5 trillion, be 0,7% of GDP), an amount that is surely feasible when combining government and private sector resources. Universities are institutions that affect social change and are drivers of economic growth. Hence, both the public and private sectors are key beneficiaries of the output of universities, and therefore a solution towards sustainable student finance will need to involve an appropriate public-private partnership.  

Such a public-private partnership can include a sliding scale of interest paid on the income-contingent loans, based on the student’s household income, coupled with a partial or full underwriting of the loan by government.

Commercial banks can administer the loan scheme, as they already have well-developed financial vetting systems and expertise. To reduce the risk of non-repayment, and because the loan repayment is linked to a worker’s income level, the South African Revenue Service can collect instalments and pay it over to the loan scheme.

There are, however, a number of factors that can undermine the successful implementation of an income-contingent loan scheme. These include the lack of collateral and the long lead time till repayment starts, the need to subsidise low interest rates, and lastly, the risk of low total repayments. All these will require that the government spends money to ensure the participation of banks and other funders. 

The private sector, though, needs to realise that even though a student loan system inevitably involves risk, it is in the interest of the long-term growth and profitability of the private sector to fund such loans. It is also important for government to realise that higher education is both a private and public good, and that contributing a component to student finance is an investment, and not merely an expenditure.

Prof Francis Petersen is Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State and  Prof Philippe Burger is Professor of Economics and Pro-Vice-Chancellor: Poverty, Inequality and Economic Development at the University of the Free State

News Archive

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa
2015-01-23

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa

Service delivery protests in the country have peaked during 2014, with 176 major service delivery protests staged against local government across South Africa.

A study by the University of the Free State (UFS) found that many of these protests are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC and prominent community leaders. Many of these protests involved violence, and the destruction had a devastating impact on the communities involved.

This study was done by Dr Sethulego Matebesi, researcher and senior lecturer at the UFS. He focused his research on the dynamics of service delivery protests in South Africa.

Service delivery protests refer to the collective taken by a group of community members which are directed against a local municipality over poor or inadequate provision of basic services, and a wider spectrum of concerns including, for example, housing, infrastructural developments, and corruption.

These protests increased substantially from about 10 in 2004 to 111 in 2010, reaching unprecedented levels with 176 during 2014.

The causes of these protests are divided into three broad categories: systemic (maladministration, fraud, nepotism and corruption); structural (healthcare, poverty, unemployment and land issues); and governance (limited opportunities for civic participation, lack of accountability, weak leadership and the erosion of public confidence in leadership).

In his research, Dr Matebesi observed and studied protests in the Free State, Northern Cape and the North-West since 2008. He found that these protests can be divided into two groups, each with its own characteristics.

“On the one side you have highly fragmented residents’ groups that often use intimidation and violence in predominantly black communities. On the other side, there are highly structured ratepayers’ associations that primarily uses the withholding of municipal rates and taxes in predominantly white communities.”

 

Who are the typical protesters?

Dr Matebesi’s study results show that in most instances, protests in black areas are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC - prominent community leaders. Generally, though, protests are supported by predominantly unemployed, young residents.

“However, judging by election results immediately after protests, the study revealed that the ANC is not losing votes over such actions.”

The study found that in the case of the structured ratepayers’ associations, the groups are led by different segments of the community, including professionals such as attorneys, accountants and even former municipal managers.

Dr Matebesi says that although many protests in black communities often turned out violent, protest leaders stated that they never planned to embark on violent protests.

“They claimed that is was often attitude (towards the protesters), reaction of the police and the lack of government’s interest in their grievances that sparked violence.”

Totally different to this is the form of peaceful protests that involves sanctioning. This requires restraint and coordination, which only a highly structured group can provide.

“The study demonstrates that the effects of service delivery protests have been tangible and visible in South Africa, with almost daily reports of violent confrontations with police, extensive damage to property, looting of businesses, and at times, the injuring or even killing of civilians. With the increase of violence, the space for building trust between the state and civil society is decreasing.”

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