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27 July 2021 | Story Nombulelo Shange and Ntando Sindane | Photo Unsplash
Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State

Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State


The recent protests were originally sparked by the arrest of former president Jacob Zuma. His arrest might have started the protests, but the protests have arguably spiralled into something far greater. These protests/riots mirror the consequences of what happens when people live in extreme poverty, joblessness, and brazen inequality.  

On Monday evening, 12 July, President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed the nation and condemned the actions of the protesters. Ramaphosa missed the opportunity to appeal to the protesters as people; to identify with their daily struggles and speak to them from the space of genuine concern and empathy. Instead, President Ramaphosa delegitimised the protests, claiming that the violence and damage to property goes against the nature of protest. The resultant outcome of Ramaphosa’s utterances is that it has succeeded in whitewashing protest and, in some way, eroding emancipatory revolutions such as our own fight against colonialism and apartheid. 

A brief history of protest in South Africa

Protests are disruptive in their very nature – when this disruption is responded to by the deployment of state machinery (such as the army), it follows that the protests culminate into utter violence, and even bloodshed. It is important to note that protests are the product of severe discontent – people are waging mass actions precisely because they feel that their voices are not being heard, and these mass mobilisations may take the form of violence. Various anti-apartheid movements have adopted similar strategies in the fight for freedom. The fight for freedom and against apartheid colonialism was won through mass mobilisation, and this included riots and protests. It is indeed true that liberation movements have used protest as a decisive tool to resist racist apartheid polity and demand the non-racial and democratic South Africa that we see today. Such a reality (and historical background) makes it somewhat bizarre to comprehend how a leader of the liberation movement can use apartheid-like characterisations to denote and refer to protests and protesters. To be sure, President Ramaphosa’s articulation is emblematic of deep-seated forgetfulness within the ruling party, and the political elite at its helm. 

MK and Poqo (from the ANC and PAC respectively) were labelled terrorists by the government of the National Party. Even former President Nelson Mandela, now a global symbol for peace and reconciliation, has led and engaged in protest action to fight for the rights and dignity of marginalised South Africans. Of course, history lends perspective, and as a result, it would be incorrect to suggest that Nelson Mandela, MK and Poqo were inherently violent, because hindsight allows us to understand that the nature of the struggle in which they were engaged made ‘violence’ necessary.

A deepened discourse about violence reveals that poverty is far more violent and dehumanising than the violence that Ramaphosa was condemning this week. Upon closer inspection, Ramaphosa would be empowered if someone were to teach him that protests offer some hope for change, no matter how small, while doing nothing launches people deeper and deeper into poverty and repression. These are the difficult decisions that many had to make then and now. Poverty is the highest form of violence – it imputes indignity, it kills, and recreates itself as it transmutes into different forms between generations. The violence of poverty is evidenced in its ability to dehumanise people by stealing from them their humanity and their capability to lead a full lifestyle. This is a sort of violence that is hardly spoken about, because in a capitalist society, the only violence that is heeded is one that disturbs profit maximisation and the accumulation of private property. 

Whitewashing protest

Protesters are not looting because it is fun, protest is not pretty, and it comes at great personal risk to the protesters and their families. To invoke a Fanonian expression: “When we revolt it’s not for a particular culture. We revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe.” People engage in protest action because the South African government protects capitalist structures over its people and has perpetuated a hungry society. People are hungry for resources, real empowerment, education, and economic freedom. To label their actions as illegitimate glosses over their pain like it is meaningless and it whitewashes protest, thus negating our own protest history. 

President Ramaphosa’s discrediting of these actions also further criminalises the actions of what has been a patient citizenry that had to grapple with staggering unemployment, with the youth feeling the biggest brunt at 73,3% unemployment. When President Ramaphosa painted the protestors in this light, he also reinforced a dangerous anti-black, anti-poor sentiment which Steve Biko referred to as ‘Swart Gevaar’, which translates to black danger. During apartheid, it was the fear that black people would take over and threaten the safety and security of white people. Today, on social media pages and in the president’s address it is the fear that the poor, who are still predominately black, will threaten the ‘peace and stability’ of the minority middle class and elite through their protest action. 

No peace while poverty prevails 

The reality is that there is no peace and security while poverty prevails, and to restore stability without dismantling the capitalism system that brought us colonialism and apartheid, is to damn the majority back into poverty. These violent events will continue to take place and will become more and more violent with every passing moment if poverty is not eradicated as a matter of urgency. 


News Archive

UFS staff among proud PhD graduates
2013-06-28

Prof Dave Lubbe with his two daughters, Leandi Steenkamp (left) and Nandi Lubbe.
Photo: Stefan Lotter

An exceptional moment at this year's graduation ceremony was when the two daughters of an academic, Prof Dave Lubbe of the Centre for Accounting, obtained their master's degrees. "It is indeed a highlight in my career that my daughters received their master's degrees cum laude at the same graduation ceremony, under my supervision!"

Prof Lubbe's two daughters, Nandi Lubbe and Leandi Steenkamp, both received their MCom with distinctions in Accounting. They completed their degrees under the supervision of Prof Lubbe and Nandi also won the Dean's medal as the best M student in the Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences.

Julia Ramabenyane Mamosebatho and Emmie Smit. Julia, of the Faculty of Education: School for Social Sciences and Language Education, received her PhD in Curriculum Studies. Her thesis was on The facilitative role of Grade 1 teachers in the development of reading skills in Sesotho. Emmie, from the Office of the Dean: Education, did her thesis on Appreciating the University of the Free State's transformation: A juxtaposed journey with Alice to Wonderland. With this, she obtained her PhD in Higher Education Studies.

 

Merridy Wilson-Strydom and Deidre van Rooyen. Merridy obtained her PhD in Higher Education Studies. Her thesis A framework for facilitating the transition from school to university in South Africa: A capabilities approach, is a comprehensive and ambitious research project that was accomplished with great academic mastery. With her thesis, Civic culture and local economic development in a small town, Deidre obtained her PhD in Development Studies.

 

 
 The Institute for Groundwater Studies (IGS) boasted with five students who received their doctor’s degrees at this Winter Graduation. They are, from the left, front: Vierah Hulley, Chris Moseki, Ferdie Linde, Abdon Atangana and Jacob Nyende. Back is Prof Jopie Botha, Prof Gerrit van Tonder and Dr Danie Vermeulen.

 

 

Modulathoko Irvin Mabokgole received his master's degree in Mathematical Statistics and Actuarial Science. He also received the Senate Medal for best master's student at the university.

 

 

Dave Mills obtained his master's degree in Practical Theology.

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Manie Moolman received his PhD in Higher Education Studies. With his thesis, Competence directives for enhancing the employability of hospitality management graduates in South Africa, he addresses one of the most important challenges facing higher education training in hospitality management, namely the training of employable graduates.

 

 

Jo-Marí Visser obtained her PhD in Criminal and Medical Law. With her thesis First generation forensic evidence and its influence on legal decision-making: A South African perspective, she investigates forensic evidence and the collection thereof at the crime scene.

 

Maralize Conradie received her master's degree in Commercial Law. The subject of her thesis is A critical analysis of the right to fair labour practices.

 

Jan Beukes received his PhD in Music – Performing Arts. This lecturer at the Odeion School of Music's thesis is titled: Oorwegings by die realisering en dokumentering van 'n duet- of duo-orreltranskripsie van Fauré se Requiem (op. 48).

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