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27 July 2021 | Story Nombulelo Shange and Ntando Sindane | Photo Unsplash
Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State

Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State


The recent protests were originally sparked by the arrest of former president Jacob Zuma. His arrest might have started the protests, but the protests have arguably spiralled into something far greater. These protests/riots mirror the consequences of what happens when people live in extreme poverty, joblessness, and brazen inequality.  

On Monday evening, 12 July, President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed the nation and condemned the actions of the protesters. Ramaphosa missed the opportunity to appeal to the protesters as people; to identify with their daily struggles and speak to them from the space of genuine concern and empathy. Instead, President Ramaphosa delegitimised the protests, claiming that the violence and damage to property goes against the nature of protest. The resultant outcome of Ramaphosa’s utterances is that it has succeeded in whitewashing protest and, in some way, eroding emancipatory revolutions such as our own fight against colonialism and apartheid. 

A brief history of protest in South Africa

Protests are disruptive in their very nature – when this disruption is responded to by the deployment of state machinery (such as the army), it follows that the protests culminate into utter violence, and even bloodshed. It is important to note that protests are the product of severe discontent – people are waging mass actions precisely because they feel that their voices are not being heard, and these mass mobilisations may take the form of violence. Various anti-apartheid movements have adopted similar strategies in the fight for freedom. The fight for freedom and against apartheid colonialism was won through mass mobilisation, and this included riots and protests. It is indeed true that liberation movements have used protest as a decisive tool to resist racist apartheid polity and demand the non-racial and democratic South Africa that we see today. Such a reality (and historical background) makes it somewhat bizarre to comprehend how a leader of the liberation movement can use apartheid-like characterisations to denote and refer to protests and protesters. To be sure, President Ramaphosa’s articulation is emblematic of deep-seated forgetfulness within the ruling party, and the political elite at its helm. 

MK and Poqo (from the ANC and PAC respectively) were labelled terrorists by the government of the National Party. Even former President Nelson Mandela, now a global symbol for peace and reconciliation, has led and engaged in protest action to fight for the rights and dignity of marginalised South Africans. Of course, history lends perspective, and as a result, it would be incorrect to suggest that Nelson Mandela, MK and Poqo were inherently violent, because hindsight allows us to understand that the nature of the struggle in which they were engaged made ‘violence’ necessary.

A deepened discourse about violence reveals that poverty is far more violent and dehumanising than the violence that Ramaphosa was condemning this week. Upon closer inspection, Ramaphosa would be empowered if someone were to teach him that protests offer some hope for change, no matter how small, while doing nothing launches people deeper and deeper into poverty and repression. These are the difficult decisions that many had to make then and now. Poverty is the highest form of violence – it imputes indignity, it kills, and recreates itself as it transmutes into different forms between generations. The violence of poverty is evidenced in its ability to dehumanise people by stealing from them their humanity and their capability to lead a full lifestyle. This is a sort of violence that is hardly spoken about, because in a capitalist society, the only violence that is heeded is one that disturbs profit maximisation and the accumulation of private property. 

Whitewashing protest

Protesters are not looting because it is fun, protest is not pretty, and it comes at great personal risk to the protesters and their families. To invoke a Fanonian expression: “When we revolt it’s not for a particular culture. We revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe.” People engage in protest action because the South African government protects capitalist structures over its people and has perpetuated a hungry society. People are hungry for resources, real empowerment, education, and economic freedom. To label their actions as illegitimate glosses over their pain like it is meaningless and it whitewashes protest, thus negating our own protest history. 

President Ramaphosa’s discrediting of these actions also further criminalises the actions of what has been a patient citizenry that had to grapple with staggering unemployment, with the youth feeling the biggest brunt at 73,3% unemployment. When President Ramaphosa painted the protestors in this light, he also reinforced a dangerous anti-black, anti-poor sentiment which Steve Biko referred to as ‘Swart Gevaar’, which translates to black danger. During apartheid, it was the fear that black people would take over and threaten the safety and security of white people. Today, on social media pages and in the president’s address it is the fear that the poor, who are still predominately black, will threaten the ‘peace and stability’ of the minority middle class and elite through their protest action. 

No peace while poverty prevails 

The reality is that there is no peace and security while poverty prevails, and to restore stability without dismantling the capitalism system that brought us colonialism and apartheid, is to damn the majority back into poverty. These violent events will continue to take place and will become more and more violent with every passing moment if poverty is not eradicated as a matter of urgency. 


News Archive

Twee broers lewer intreerede
2004-06-10

‘n Unieke geleentheid sal homself môre, 9 Junie 2004, voordoen wanneer twee broers - proff Francois en Janse Tolmie - tydens dieselfde geleentheid hul intreeredes aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) sal lewer.

Prof Francois Tolmie is verbonde aan die UV se Departement Nuwe Testament en die onderwerp van sy lesing is Die impak van die metodologie op die verstaan van die Nuwe Testament. Prof Janse Tolmie, sy jonger broer, is verbonde aan die UV se Departement Rekenaarwetenskap en Informatika en die onderwerp van sy lesing is Die rol van inligtingstegnologie in kennisbestuur.

Hoewel die studievelde vér verwyderd staan, klop die twee broers se missies wat betref die terugploeg van die verworwe vakkennis ten bate van die gemeenskap. Prof Francois Tolmie is nóú betrokke by dowes en Prof Janse Tolmie tap weer kunsmatige intelligensie ten bate van die mediese wetenskap en geestesgesondheid.

Prof Francois Tolmie verwerf die grade BA, BA Honneurs (Grieks), MA (Grieks), B Th en M Th almal cum laude aan die UV. In 1992 verwerf hy 'n D Th (Nuwe Testament) en in 2004 'n Ph D (Grieks) aan dieselfde universiteit. Na sy militêre diens as kapelaan in Walvisbaai aanvaar hy 'n beroep na die NG-gemeente Walvisbaai. Hy begin sy akademiese loopbaan op 1 April 1990 as senior lektor in die Departement Nuwe Testament en word in 1999 tot medeprofessor en in 2003 tot professor bevorder.

Sy navorsingspesialiteit is die Johannesevangelie en die Brief aan die Galasiërs. Hy is tesourier van die Nuwe Testamentiese Werksgemeenskap van Suid-Afrika, lid van die Society of Biblical Literature en die Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas, redakteur van Acta Theologica en assistent-redakteur van Neotestamentica. Hy het reeds 34 artikels in geakkrediteerde tydskrifte gepubliseer, asook drie populêr-wetenskaplike boeke en talle bydraes in populêr-wetenskaplike boeke. Hy het twee akademiese boeke in die buiteland gepubliseer - onderskeidelik in Nederland en in die VSA. Later vanjaar verskyn 'n derde akademiese boek in Duitsland. Hy is ook een van die vertalers van die Afrikaanse Bybel vir Dowes.

Prof Janse Tolmie verwerf die grade B Sc, B Sc (Hons) en M Sc (Cum Laude) in Rekenaarwetenskap aan die UV.

Hy is vanaf 1989 betrokke by die UV en was ook ’n dosent aan die Militêre Akademie in Saldanhabaai in 1990/91 en het klas gegee by DePaul Universiteit in Chicago in 2002.

In 1992 is hy vir ses maande gesekondeer na ’n patologiese firma, Van Drimmelen en Vennote, in Johannesburg vir die ontwikkeling van kennisgebaseerde sagteware. Met hierdie projek word hy een van slegs ’n handjievol navorsers in die wêreld wat daarin kon slaag om ’n mediese kundigheidstelsel te ontwikkel wat werklik gebruik word.

Hy verwerf sy Ph D in 1994 en in 1994/95 doen hy navorsing aan die Besigheidskool van Carleton Universiteit in Ottawa, Kanada. Hy word in 1997 bevorder tot mede-professor en in 2003 tot volprofessor. Vanaf 2003 tree hy op as departementele voorsitter van die UV se Departement Rekenaarwetenskap en Informatika.

Hy het meer as 30 publikasies al die lig laat sien, insluitend verskeie internasionale kongresbydraes en artikels in geakkrediteerde joernale. Hy was ook vir 2 siklusse geëvalueer by die NRF. Sy portfolio sluit in die ontwikkeling van sagteware of prototipes vir groot maatskappye soos Van Drimmelen en Vennote en Bayer Diagnostics (VSA). Sy privaatbesigheid fokus op die ontwikkeling van nismarksagteware vir tersiêre instellings. Die sagteware word tans gebruik deur afdelings aan verskeie universiteite in Suid-Afrika.

Die geleentheid vind om 19:00 in die CR Swart-ouditorium op die kampus plaas.

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