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27 July 2021 | Story Nombulelo Shange and Ntando Sindane | Photo Unsplash
Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State

Opinion article by Nombulelo Shange, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, and Ntando Sindane, Lecturer in the Department of Private Law, University of the Free State


The recent protests were originally sparked by the arrest of former president Jacob Zuma. His arrest might have started the protests, but the protests have arguably spiralled into something far greater. These protests/riots mirror the consequences of what happens when people live in extreme poverty, joblessness, and brazen inequality.  

On Monday evening, 12 July, President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed the nation and condemned the actions of the protesters. Ramaphosa missed the opportunity to appeal to the protesters as people; to identify with their daily struggles and speak to them from the space of genuine concern and empathy. Instead, President Ramaphosa delegitimised the protests, claiming that the violence and damage to property goes against the nature of protest. The resultant outcome of Ramaphosa’s utterances is that it has succeeded in whitewashing protest and, in some way, eroding emancipatory revolutions such as our own fight against colonialism and apartheid. 

A brief history of protest in South Africa

Protests are disruptive in their very nature – when this disruption is responded to by the deployment of state machinery (such as the army), it follows that the protests culminate into utter violence, and even bloodshed. It is important to note that protests are the product of severe discontent – people are waging mass actions precisely because they feel that their voices are not being heard, and these mass mobilisations may take the form of violence. Various anti-apartheid movements have adopted similar strategies in the fight for freedom. The fight for freedom and against apartheid colonialism was won through mass mobilisation, and this included riots and protests. It is indeed true that liberation movements have used protest as a decisive tool to resist racist apartheid polity and demand the non-racial and democratic South Africa that we see today. Such a reality (and historical background) makes it somewhat bizarre to comprehend how a leader of the liberation movement can use apartheid-like characterisations to denote and refer to protests and protesters. To be sure, President Ramaphosa’s articulation is emblematic of deep-seated forgetfulness within the ruling party, and the political elite at its helm. 

MK and Poqo (from the ANC and PAC respectively) were labelled terrorists by the government of the National Party. Even former President Nelson Mandela, now a global symbol for peace and reconciliation, has led and engaged in protest action to fight for the rights and dignity of marginalised South Africans. Of course, history lends perspective, and as a result, it would be incorrect to suggest that Nelson Mandela, MK and Poqo were inherently violent, because hindsight allows us to understand that the nature of the struggle in which they were engaged made ‘violence’ necessary.

A deepened discourse about violence reveals that poverty is far more violent and dehumanising than the violence that Ramaphosa was condemning this week. Upon closer inspection, Ramaphosa would be empowered if someone were to teach him that protests offer some hope for change, no matter how small, while doing nothing launches people deeper and deeper into poverty and repression. These are the difficult decisions that many had to make then and now. Poverty is the highest form of violence – it imputes indignity, it kills, and recreates itself as it transmutes into different forms between generations. The violence of poverty is evidenced in its ability to dehumanise people by stealing from them their humanity and their capability to lead a full lifestyle. This is a sort of violence that is hardly spoken about, because in a capitalist society, the only violence that is heeded is one that disturbs profit maximisation and the accumulation of private property. 

Whitewashing protest

Protesters are not looting because it is fun, protest is not pretty, and it comes at great personal risk to the protesters and their families. To invoke a Fanonian expression: “When we revolt it’s not for a particular culture. We revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe.” People engage in protest action because the South African government protects capitalist structures over its people and has perpetuated a hungry society. People are hungry for resources, real empowerment, education, and economic freedom. To label their actions as illegitimate glosses over their pain like it is meaningless and it whitewashes protest, thus negating our own protest history. 

President Ramaphosa’s discrediting of these actions also further criminalises the actions of what has been a patient citizenry that had to grapple with staggering unemployment, with the youth feeling the biggest brunt at 73,3% unemployment. When President Ramaphosa painted the protestors in this light, he also reinforced a dangerous anti-black, anti-poor sentiment which Steve Biko referred to as ‘Swart Gevaar’, which translates to black danger. During apartheid, it was the fear that black people would take over and threaten the safety and security of white people. Today, on social media pages and in the president’s address it is the fear that the poor, who are still predominately black, will threaten the ‘peace and stability’ of the minority middle class and elite through their protest action. 

No peace while poverty prevails 

The reality is that there is no peace and security while poverty prevails, and to restore stability without dismantling the capitalism system that brought us colonialism and apartheid, is to damn the majority back into poverty. These violent events will continue to take place and will become more and more violent with every passing moment if poverty is not eradicated as a matter of urgency. 


News Archive

Relief for baby and child care at the UFS with donation from Fuchs Foundation
2007-11-17

 

At the launch of the Beds of Hope campaign were, from the left: Dr Riaan Els, Chief Executive Officer of the Carl en Emily Fuchs Foundation, Prof. André Venter (Head of the Department of Paediatrics and Child Care), Ms Corné Booyens (National Grants Manager at the Carl en Emily Fuchs Foundation), Dr Nick van Zyl (Clinical Head at Universitas Hospital), and Prof. Niel Viljoen (Chief Director: Operations).
Photo: Leonie Bolleurs

Relief for baby and child care at the UFS with donation from Fuchs Foundation

The Department of Paediatrics and Child Health at the University of the Free State (UFS) has received relief for their need of specialised healthcare for babies and children with a donation of R1,5 million from the Carl and Emily Fuchs Foundation.

As a result of this, the Beds of Hope campaign was launched today on the Main Campus in Bloemfontein. With the campaign, the department wants to address the serious need for specialised healthcare for babies and children in the central regions of South Africa.

The department is one of four out of 19 children hospitals in South Africa to receive such a donation. .

“We take care of babies and children in the Universitas and Pelonomi Hospitals in Bloemfontein who have a serious need for specialised healthcare. We are, however, the only supplier of this kind of care in the Free State, North West, Eastern Cape and Lesotho and are responsible for the specialised healthcare of more than 100 000 children. Many of our equipment are outdated and must be urgently repaired or replaced,” said Prof. André Venter, Head of the Department of Paediatrics and Child Care at the UFS.

“Because we are concerned about our patients, the department launched the Beds of Hope campaign with the help of the donation we received from the Fuchs Foundation. With the campaign, we aim to raise some R15 million in the space of two years to purchase beds and specialised equipment for the intensive care and high care units for both hospitals,” said Prof. Venter.
According to Prof. Venter, this includes babies and children with needs for specialised healthcare in the fields of intensive care, oncology, cardiology, neurology, endocrinology, gastro-enterology, neonatology and infectious diseases.

“About ten children are currently not receiving the care they need due to the lack of beds in the intensive care unit. Much more neonates can annually receive critical care if we can supply adequate facilities,” said Prof. Venter.

The other hospitals that are also supported by the Fuchs Foundation’s donation are: Healing Jozi Kids, Boikanyo Foundation and the Groote Schuur Hospital’s neonatal department.

The donation is the beginning of the first phase of the national Fuchs Healing Kids Project, which aims to improve the quality of paediatric care in South Africa.

The aim of this phase is to assist the hospitals to develop the systems and skills needed to collect more money. The research part of phase two and the building up of the hospitals’ children trust funds to be self self-supporting, will happen simultaneously. This phase will be launched early in 2008.

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Assistant Director: Media Liaison
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl.stg@ufs.ac.za  
16 November 2007
 

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