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09 March 2021 | Story Prof Theodore Petrus | Photo Supplied
Prof Theodore Petrus is an associate professor in Anthropology at the UFS.

If the latest crime stats issued by the Ministry of Police are anything to go by, it should be clear to most of us that a chaotic police and crime intelligence service cannot fulfil its mandate of adequately addressing crime in the country. 

The much-publicised debacle regarding the suspension of Lieutenant-General Peter Jacobs, (former) head of Crime Intelligence, is the latest in a slew of events involving the SAPS and Crime Intelligence that has left the South African public both confused and justifiably concerned. And once again, seemingly at the heart of this latest controversy, is corruption within the SAPS and the Crime Intelligence unit. 

Jacobs, along with five other colleagues, was suspended at the end of 2020 following allegations of corruption, specifically, the irregular procurement of personal protective equipment, involving the use of a secret service account. However, from Jacobs’ perspective, there was evidence that SAPS and crime intelligence officials had abused the account. Some within the SAPS believed that Jacobs was deliberately targeted because he was exposing the looting of the secret account. 

After challenging his suspension in the Labour Court, Jacobs was seemingly vindicated, with the court lifting the suspension. In response however, National Police Commissioner General Khehla Sitole officially transferred Jacobs out of his previous position as Head of Crime Intelligence, to Division Inspectorate, which, for all intents and purposes, is seen by some SAPS officers as a demotion. 

The serious consequences of corruption and criminality 

Going back just a few months ago, we also still recall the same National Commissioner firing his Deputy, Bonang Mgwenya, who was accused of a string of criminal activities including fraud, corruption, money laundering and theft.
Corruption and criminality in the highest ranks of the SAPS, whether proven or alleged, have two very serious consequences, both of which seriously impact on the safety and security of South African citizens.

The first consequence is the trickle-down effect of police corruption and criminality from the top structures to the bottom. In a SABC News report in February 2021, Corruption Watch reported that it had received numerous allegations of police corruption from whistleblowers. Offences included everything from bribery to sextortion. So pervasive is police corruption that Corruption Watch has gone as far as creating a web-based tool, Veza, which allows the public to report any corruption or misconduct by SAPS members. Driving the nail in the coffin even further, a 2019 report by Corruption Watch, found that South African police were the most corrupt public servants, having overtaken other sectors such as health and local government. These few examples illustrate the trickle-down effect of corruption and criminality in the police from the highest levels. 

The second serious consequence, and the one that impacts on the public directly, is the inevitable skyrocketing crime levels. Looking at the latest police crime stats, it is clear that the lockdown policing strategies were not very effective. If we take a look at just one example of violent crime, namely gang-related violence, gang shootings and related violence, not only continued, but increased. There are various reported cases of increased gang violence despite ‘stricter’ policing during the lockdown. 

How does police corruption factor into this? 

In September 2020, the SAPS Anti-Gang Unit Section Head, Lieutenant-Colonel Charl Kinnear, was assassinated outside his home in Cape Town. Kinnear was apparently investigating a firearms licensing scandal that implicated senior police officers and underworld figures. The cause of this is ongoing corruption at the Central Firearms Registry that enables firearm licences to be issued to suspected gang members. So, while on our television screens and in the newspapers senior police officials tell us they are doing everything they can to curb violent crime in the country, we are also confronted with serious police criminality and corruption of this magnitude. The end result is a serious threat to the safety and security of citizens.

What can be done about this sad state of affairs in the SAPS?

The most critical thing is to take a good hard look at police culture in South Africa. In an anthropological sense, culture can be understood as a complex system, involving both ideological and material aspects that influence the way in which things are done by members of that culture. All organisations and institutions have their own culture, which is why we often hear of organisational culture, or institutional culture. The ideological aspects that underpin a culture include things like value systems, beliefs, and attitudes. These in turn influence perceptions of acceptable versus unacceptable behaviour. If we put this in context in police culture, it seems that corruption and criminality are regarded as acceptable by many within the SAPS, sadly even at the highest levels of authority. These values then impact on the subsequent behaviour of SAPS officials at various levels of the organisation, and those who do not conform are ostracised, targeted and, in extreme cases, even killed. If we are to transform the current SAPS culture, it has to start with transforming the underlying negative values, attitudes and beliefs that seem to influence the current problems. 

In order to achieve meaningful cultural change within the SAPS, we need to start with the leadership. This is another discussion altogether because it involves both the political leadership, as well as the senior SAPS leadership. At the moment, both are ill-equipped to lead cultural change within the SAPS. We need to get the leadership right before we can even think of transforming the culture of corruption and criminality throughout the rest of the SAPS. 4

Opinion article by Prof Theodore Petrus, Department of Anthropology, University of the Free State (UFS) .

News Archive

The failure of the law
2004-06-04

 

Written by Lacea Loader

- Call for the protection of consumers’ and tax payers rights against corporate companies

An expert in commercial law has called for reforms to the Companies Act to protect the rights of consumers and investors.

“Consumers and tax payers are lulled into thinking the law protects them when it definitely does not,” said Prof Dines Gihwala this week during his inaugural lecture at the University of the Free State’s (UFS).

Prof Gihwala, vice-chairperson of the UFS Council, was inaugurated as extraordinary professor in commercial law at the UFS’s Faculty of Law.

He said that consumers, tax payers and shareholders think they can look to the law for an effective curb on the enormous power for ill that big business wields.

“Once the public is involved, the activities of big business must be controlled and regulated. It is the responsibility of the law to oversee and supervise such control and regulation,” said Prof Gihwala.

He said that, when undesirable consequences occur despite laws enacted specifically to prevent such results, it must be fair to suggest that the law has failed.

“The actual perpetrators of the undesirable behaviour seldom pay for it in any sense, not even when criminal conduct is involved. If directors of companies are criminally charged and convicted, the penalty is invariably a fine imposed on the company. So, ironically, it is the money of tax payers that is spent on investigating criminal conduct, formulating charges and ultimately prosecuting the culprits involved in corporate malpractice,” said Prof Gihwala.

According to Prof Gihwala the law continuously fails to hold companies meaningfully accountable to good and honest business values.

“Insider trading is a crime and, although legislation was introduced in 1998 to curb it, not a single successful criminal prosecution has taken place. While the law appears to be offering the public protection against unacceptable business behaviour, it does no such thing – the law cannot act as a deterrent if it is inadequate or not being enforced,” he said.

The government believed it was important to facilitate access to the country’s economic resources by those who had been denied it in the past. The Broad Based Economic Empowerment Act of 2003 (BBEE), is legislation to do just that. “We should be asking ourselves whether it is really possible for an individual, handicapped by the inequities of the past, to compete in the real business world even though the BBEE Act is now part of the law?,” said Prof Gihwala.

Prof Gihwala said that judges prefer to follow precedent instead of taking bold initiative. “Following precedent is safe at a personal level. To do so will elicit no outcry of disapproval and one’s professional reputation is protected. The law needs to evolve and it is the responsibility of the judiciary to see that it happens in an orderly fashion. Courts often take the easy way out, and when the opportunity to be bold and creative presents itself, it is ignored,” he said.

“Perhaps we are expecting too much from the courts. If changes are to be made to the level of protection to the investing public by the law, Parliament must play its proper role. It is desirable for Parliament to be proactive. Those tasked with the responsibility of rewriting our Companies Act should be bold and imaginative. They should remove once and for all those parts of our common law which frustrate the ideals of our Constitution, and in particular those which conflict with the principles of the BBEE Act,” said Prof Gihwala.

According to Prof Gihwala, the following reforms are necessary:

• establishing a unit that is part of the office of the Registrar of Companies to bolster a whole inspectorate in regard to companies’ affairs;
• companies who are liable to pay a fine or fines, should have the right to take action to recover that fine from those responsible for the conduct;
• and serious transgression of the law should allow for imprisonment only – there should be no room for the payment of fines.
 

Prof Gihwala ended the lecture by saying: “If the opportunity to re-work the Companies Act is not grabbed with both hands, we will witness yet another failure in the law. Even more people will come to believe that the law is stupid and that it has made fools of them. And that would be the worst possible news in our developing democracy, where we are struggling to ensure that the Rule of Law prevails and that every one of us has respect for the law”.

 

 

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