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13 May 2021 | Story Dr Bright Nkrumah | Photo Supplied
Dr Bright Nkrumah, Free State Centre for Human Rights, University of the Free State (UFS)

The year 2021 marks the 58th anniversary of the establishment of the Organisation of African Union (OAU) on 25 May 1963. The month of May is therefore celebrated annually as Africa Month. This piece, in essence, is a craving to respond to an often-articulated question: is Africa Month a moment of celebration or introspection? The former would have been preferred had the various freedoms offered by the organisation been more realistic and dealt with the concrete challenges bedevilling the continent’s population. 

At the onset, it ought to be acknowledged that the organisation was not forged with the intent of improving the living conditions of its population but to safeguard the recently won independence and sovereignty of its member states. Against this backdrop, the notion of non-interference in the domestic affairs (Uti Possidetis Juris) of states became its guiding principle, thereby fostering a culture of silence on abuses perpetuate by African rulers against their citizens.  Having said that there were notable illustrations of leaders such as Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, and Samora Machel, who individually and collectively ‘invoked the notion of humanitarian intervention’ and waged crusades to relieve Ugandans from the jaws of Idi Amin. 

Indeed, one of the significant achievements of the OAU during this era was the adoption of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Charter) in 1981. The instrument may be seen as a trumpeting of freedom, as it considers the rights and wellbeing of Africans sacrosanct and uncompromising. It is important and perhaps enthralling that all African states are parties to the Charter. While the large-scale ratification could enhance its moral force, it could also be used as a red herring to cover up various atrocities in hostile countries.

Where are we?

In 2002, African rulers meeting in Durban, South Africa, adopted the Constitutive Act, transforming the OAU into the African Union (AU). The new Act perhaps seems to be breathing fresh air into Africa’s rights struggle. In stark contrast to its forerunner, the Constitutive Act authorises the AU to intervene in a situation where citizens are threatened by grave danger perpetrated by their governments or external forces. Remarkably, article 3(k) calls for raising the ‘living standards of African people’. Going by these aspirations, one might speculate that Africans are in for a cheery and jolly ride.

Remarkably, while the Act addresses several aspects of the continent’s socioeconomic issues its operationalisation remains the captive of competing for national interests of AU states. Four key setbacks merit consideration here.

Instability: The landscape of Africa is punctuated by rulers’ embezzlement of public funds, ethnic privilege, and siphoning resources to one’s home village to the detriment of others. This bias tends to incite discontent and hostilities, even as one of the popular rhetoric of the infamous Boko Haram is to addressing Nigeria’s North-South resource disparity. By the same reckoning, hundreds of women and children have been displaced or killed from avoidable hostilities in geographical enclaves such as Cameroon, DR Congo, Mozambique, and Sudan.

Injustice: State security agencies and specifically the police force have evolved to be intimidators rather than the protective machinery they ought to be. More disturbingly, access to justice seems to be a pipe dream, as legal fees and prolonged trials make it burdensome for victims to seek remedies. As a common practice, many judicial systems across Anglophone, Francophone, and Lusophone countries are still modelled on ancient colonial systems, with lawyers and judges using convoluted legal jargon which frustrates rather than assists victims of abuse. 

Poverty: 40% of the continent’s population lives in extreme poverty or on <$1 (approx. R14) per day. Indeed, this figure is sobering. A reader might agree that the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) may be seen as the primary document for reversing this trend. The document has, however, been criticised as given superficial treatment to the basic entitlement of vulnerable groups, and without feasible strategies on issues of underdevelopment.  It speaks to enhancing greater access to services, but segregates this aspiration from how the impoverished could access these essentials. Without a commitment to enforceable socioeconomic goods, such as health care, education, food, social security, the document may be seen as placing a stamp on the skewed access to resources already pervasive in local communities.

Covid-19: The onset of the pandemic calls for total marshalling of the continent’s fiscal and human resources. Sadly, the virus has claimed the lives of eminent cadres, teachers, and trade unionists who could have played a key role in this regard. South Africa alone has recorded more than 54,620 deaths, leaving behind hundreds of orphans.   Still, the ramifications are likely to be more significant, altering the structures of society and putting a strain on the financial resources of weak states. 

What ought to be done?

One golden thread running through these challenges is the weakness of the AU to forge effective institutions to restrain the excesses of states, monitor the government’s compliance with human rights obligations, and accountability. If the organisation seeks to improve human rights in Africa, it ought to revive debates towards Pan-Africanism and regional integration. At present, artificial borders erected by colonisers have created states which are simply not viable economic and political units. To this end, continental integration is the effective means of accelerating economic growth, uplifting the least developed countries, and domestically-based transformative development.

Opinion article by Dr Bright Nkrumah, Free State Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State.

 


News Archive

Louzanne Coetzee breaks 16-year-old world record
2016-03-24

Description: Louzanne Coetzee kampioen Tags: Louzanne Coetzee kampioen

Louzanne Coetzee (left) running the 5 000 m at the Nedbank National Championships at the Free State Athletics stadium with her guide, Khotatso Mokone (right)
Photo: Celeste Klopper Photography

Whether it’s the 5 000 m or the 1 500 m, Louzanne Coetzee is breaking records in all her races. Fans of the University of the Free State (UFS) student were elated at her triumph with the 5 000 m T11 world record at the Nedbank National Championships for the Physically Disabled on Wednesday 23 March 2016.

The record, which has stood for 16 years, was shattered by Coetzee’s stellar 19:17.06 performance. Sigita Markeviciene’s long-standing mark of 20:05.81, set at the 2000 Paralympics in Sydney, was bettered by 48.75 seconds when Coetzee and her guide, Khotatso Mokone, sprinted hand in hand past the finish line. 

Coetzee’s coach is as elated as the world-class athlete’s fans over her officially becoming the first totally blind female to clock sub-20 minute in the 5 000 m. "I am proud and grateful. She earned it through and through. She worked hard for this,” said Rufus Botha.

The experience was a surreal one for Coetzee. “It was unreal but it is exciting to be the fastest in Africa and the world. I could not have done it without the support system that I have,” she said.

"I have seldom met a student with the character and humanity of Louzanne Coetzee; she represents the best of campus and country, and is a stunning example of what we canal  achieve despite the great challenges of the present," said Prof Jonathan Jansen, Vice-Chancellor and Rector of the UFS.

New African record holder

Two days before breaking the 5 000 m world record, Coetzee set a new African record in the 1 500 m. She lowered the mark from 5:27:21 to 5:18:44, which placed her at the number nine spot in the world.

On Friday 18 March 2016 Coetzee had broken her own South African record when she ran 5 000 m in less than 20 minutes at the Free State Championships. However, the race is not an official (International Paralympic Committee) meeting, and hence remains unofficial.

What’s next?


The gold medallist is currently preparing for the Athletics Grand Prix to be held in Switzerland in May for which she is raising funds. If she is selected by SASCOC (South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee), her next stop is the Paralympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, which is just six months away.

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