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30 November 2021 | Story Dr Claire Westman | Photo Supplied
 Dr Claire Westman is a Postdoctoral Researcher at The Free State Centre for Human Rights, University of the Free State (UFS)

The 25th of November marked the beginning of 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence (GBV), in South Africa and the world. This is a global, annual campaign that began on November 25 as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women and runs until 10 December, International Human Rights Day. In South Africa this campaign is referred to as 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children. The theme for this year’s campaign is “The Year of Charlotte Mannya Maxeke – 16 Days of Activism – Moving from awareness to accountability”. 

According to the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa (2021), “The campaign aims to raise awareness of the negative impact that violence and abuse have on women and children and to rid society of abuse permanently.” It suggests that GBV “continues to cripple our society, depriving women and children of their right to be safe and continue with their daily lives without fear of being murdered or raped, if not both”. The 16 Days of Activism campaign thus calls on South Africans to be aware of GBV, call out those who commit such violence, and no longer protect those (primarily men) who benefit from the abuse and subordination of women and children. While GBV includes various forms of violence, such as emotional, psychological and physical, a pervasive form of such violence is sexual violence. 

Sexual violence continues to increase unabated

In contrast to the campaign’s calls for an end to violence against women, South Africa’s most recent crime statistics reveal that instead of decreasing, sexual violence continues to increase unabated. These statistics show that during the three-month period of 1 July to 30 September 2021, nearly 10 000 people (primarily women) were raped, and of a sample of 6 144 of these cases, 3 951 were committed in the victims’ homes. According to these statistics, there has been a 7.1% increase in the number of rapes committed during this period compared to the previous reporting period. It is well-known, however, that the number of rapes and incidences of GBV that are reported are only a fraction of those that take place. This prevalence of sexual violence has also been exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. As an example of this, the South African Police Service (SAPS) received over 2 300 calls during the first week of South Africa’s strict lockdown, alone, related to GBV, and between March and June of 2020, 21 women and children had been killed by intimate partners in South Africa.

While the government has implemented some measures to address issues around sexual and GBV, clearly not enough is being done to deal with the endemic levels of violence against women. Pumla Gqola (2015: 3) refers to the constant threat of violence women in South Africa experience as the ‘female fear factory’. She argues that sexual violence is used to police women’s behaviour in an attempt to ensure that they adhere to the hetero-patriarchal norms that pervade the nation. Within this hetero-patriarchal logic the gains women have made socially, economically, and legally are seen as a threat to the patriarchal foundation and the power it affords men. Consequently, Gqola (2015: 15) asserts that “it is no coincidence that South African women, who, on paper are so empowered and have won so many freedoms, are living with the constant fear of violence”. She further adds that “an effective backlash always does much more than neutralise gains, though, it reverses the gains we see everywhere and it reminds those who might benefit from such gains that they are not quite free”. In other words, sexual and gender-based violence are seen as effective means through which to keep women in positions of subordination and maintain the patriarchal status quo.

So, while it is vital that government create measures that punish perpetrators, and allow for women to leave abusive settings, it is also imperative that the discourse around sexual violence be addressed. Toxic discourse is often used as a means to justify violence, and in patriarchal societies, it is often this kind of discourse that positions women as inferior to men, and women as unworthy of respect. Rape myths and rape culture underlie much of the discourse that allows for rape to be as prevalent as it is in South Africa. Lankster (2019) claims that “these myths include that females are to be blamed for their own rape, that victims ‘ask for it’, and that victims enjoy being raped”. Similarly, much discourse perpetuates the notion that women cannot be raped by their husbands. That is, because they are married, the man is entitled to sex, and therefore, any sex within the marriage is consensual. Clearly then the endemic nature of sexual violence stems from the socio-symbolic positionings of men and women within hetero-patriarchal cultures and their corresponding discourses and ideologies. If sexual violence is to be effectively addressed, then these pervasive and toxic notions need to be challenged and dismantled. 

Discourse around sexual violence ignores the perpetrators 

Additionally, most of the discourse around sexual violence focuses on the victims / survivors, while ignoring the perpetrators of the violence. The burden is placed on women to avoid situations that might be dangerous, leave abusive relationships, and “break the silence” (Gqola, 2015: 15) around sexual violence. The responsibility for preventing and combating sexual violence is thus removed from men, who are the primary perpetrators, and women are impelled to ‘protect themselves’ from these seemingly abstract figures who commit such violence. As such, a shift to a discourse that places the onus on men to call out other men, reflect on their own attitudes and behaviours towards women and to actively work to put an end to sexual violence needs to occur. President Cyril Ramaphosa (2021), asserted that “this year’s 16 Days of Activism campaign aims to shift from awareness to accountability and create an environment for men to play a greater role in GBV prevention.” However, while the government impels the members of the nation to move towards accountability, the government itself perhaps needs to take heed of its own advice. 

As recently as the 16 November 2021, Icosa leader, Jeffrey Donson, a man convicted of rape, was elected to the position of mayor within the Kannaland Municipality. This was done with the support of the ANC. After outcries around Donson being elected mayor, the ANC has now claimed it will “review its decision to form a coalition with Icosa”, however, this has not led to Donson’s removal from the mayoral post or seemingly led to much concern from the government as to how such a person is eligible for this position to begin with. The government claims it is against sexual and GBV, and urges us to hold men accountable, and yet, they have endorsed the placement of a man charged with rape into a powerful governmental position (something that is not altogether unfamiliar with many positions of authority in South Africa). 

Greater accountability is needed from the government

In order to address GBV, greater accountability is needed from the government, along with a much stronger stance on gender-based and sexual violence. As Gqola (2015: 15) so succinctly states, we need “to pressure the government to create a criminal justice system that works to bring the possibility of justice to rape survivors” – a government that holds itself accountable, a justice system that holds rapists accountable, and a society that holds itself and the men within it accountable. 

Overall, while the 16 Days of Activism campaign has admirable intentions (and is used by many rights organisations and NGOs as a means through which to actively create awareness and address violence), one wonders whether this campaign is merely used by the government as a form of political lip service, a way to make it seem as though they care about GBV, when in reality little is being done to combat the war on women’s bodies and the effects this violence has on women’s lived realities, as well as the ways in which violence impacts upon women’s abilities to effectively participate and thrive in the democratic nation.

 

News Archive

State of our campuses: Impact of non-completion of the 2016 academic year on UFS students
2016-10-08

Dear Parents/Guardians and Students,

Impact of non-completion of the 2016 academic year

The University of the Free State (UFS) reiterates its support and commitment to the cause of free higher education. We have stated our position in all the available spaces. We want to work with UFS students to put pressure on the government to commit itself to accept the many suggestions put forward to make free education possible within a negotiated timeframe.

We are also seriously committed to our responsibility of providing education to all students enrolled at the university. We are doing our outmost to ensure that we can resume academic activities next week.

Description: " Academic non-completion 2016 Tags: " Academic non-completion 2016

We want to bring to your attention what will happen to individual students if the UFS cannot resume classes fully on Monday 10 October 2016.

Currently we have extended the academic year by one week. Some faculties are working on Saturdays and Sundays, starting earlier and finishing later to complete the material that needs to be taught and the practical work that students need to do to be able to write exams.

In the three biggest faculties at the university: Education, the Humanities, and Natural Sciences, this is what will happen:

  • Education will fail to graduate 1 193 students
  • Humanities will fail to graduate 1 125 students
  • Natural and Agricultural Sciences will fail to graduate 1 390 students

In the professional faculties: Economic and Management Sciences, Health Sciences, and Law, this will happen:

  • Economic and Management Sciences will fail to graduate 997 students
  • Health Sciences will fail to graduate 633 students
  • Law will fail to graduate 619 students

In total, approximately 6 000 students will not receive complete transcripts of their degrees and the certificates for their qualifications.

The university currently has 3 238 students on NSFAS bursaries. None of these students will be able to apply for bursaries for the lost year. They will be regarded as having failed or not completed their courses. They will not only miss this year, but the opportunity of studying in the future.

These students come from families to which their success in higher education was supposed to mean a change in the future of the entire family. Some parents/guardians hold more than one job to be able to pay tuition fees.

In not allowing the year to continue and students to finish, we are throwing away the efforts that entire families of poor people have made for four or five years to put their children through university. The promise of free education for future generations means nothing to these families who are poor in the present.

In terms of the academic calendar, it is a false argument to say that universities will be able to enrol first-years, because what 2016 students will miss, is the second semester.

We do not have the capacity to teach double the number of students in the second semester. This also misses the point that those students who were completing modules in order to graduate, will waste an entire year (assuming they have funding) to complete their degrees. This argument does not see the knock-on effect that students, not promoting in modules from first to second and second to third year, etc., will have. Finally, this also misses the point of what will happen to students who have to repeat first-semester modules.

In terms of academic staff, students are discounting the willingness of academic staff to teach double or to have the academic year extended by approximately six weeks between teaching and examinations. The same can be said for all the administrative and support staff required for running the university.

In our case, all the students in the University Preparation Programme (UPP) on the South Campus in Bloemfontein will be stuck without being able to move into mainstream modules, preventing a new intake of UPP students for 2017. These are the poorest and most disadvantaged students at the UFS.

It is absolutely necessary to find a means of protest and political action that will not jeopardise the future of current students and the country’s desperate need for critical skills.  The interdict against violent protest secured by the UFS is still in force. The police will intervene if the interdict is not respected and the UFS will have no control over police actions.

We trust that parents/guardians and students understand the implications of the situation.

Kind regards,

Prof Nicky Morgan
Acting Rector
University of the Free State

 

Released by:
Lacea Loader (Director: Communication and Brand Management)
Telephone: +27 51 401 2584 | +27 83 645 2454
Email: news@ufs.ac.za | loaderl@ufs.ac.za
Fax: +27 51 444 6393


State of our campuses #11: Academic activities on UFS campuses continue

State of our campuses #10: Impact of non-completion of the 2016 academic year on UFS students 

State of our campuses #9: Academic programme on all UFS campuses to resume on Monday 10 October 2016

State of our campuses #8:  UFS extends vacation as from 28 September until 7 October 2016, 28 September 2016

State of our campuses #7: All three UFS campuses will be closed today, 27 September 2016.

State of our campuses #6: All UFS campuses reopen on Tuesday 27 September 2016

State of our campuses #5: UFS campuses to remain closed on Monday 26 September 2016

State of our campuses #4: Decisions about the UFS academic calendar

State of our campuses #3: UFS campuses closed until Friday 23 September 2016 

State of our campuses #2: UFS Bloemfontein and South Campuses closed on Tuesday 20 September 2016 (19 September 2016)

State of our campuses #1: Academic activities suspended on UFS Bloemfontein Campus (19 September 2016)

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