Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
06 September 2021 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Mpendulo Myeni
Lucien le Grange, architect and urbanist, delivered the 32nd Sophia Gray Lecture this year. The online event was hosted in the Oliewenhuis Art Museum, where an exhibition of his work was also on display.

The Department of Architecture at the University of the Free State (UFS) presented the 32nd Sophia Gray Memorial lecture at the Oliewenhuis Art Museum on 26 August 2021.

The speaker at this year’s event – presented online – was Lucien le Grange of Lucien le Grange Architects and Urban Planners. Some of his work includes the Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island, the Prestwich Street Memorial, and the architecture and urbanism of District Six. 

Le Grange was part of the staff of the Cape Town School of Architecture from 1978 to 2011, where he taught Design and History and Theory of Architecture at undergraduate and postgraduate level. Most of his work was also conducted in the Western Cape.

Purposeful thinking and purposeful action

He believes a time such as this, marked by so many environmental and public health challenges, demands of us purposeful thinking and purposeful action. “The recent social disruption in our country specifically requires honest reflection of the kind of social system we seek to create for ourselves as a nation.”

“We are at a crossroads that gives us an opportunity to seriously and honestly confront our shortcomings as a society. We need to find ways to restore confidence in ourselves and to fashion a new national urban development strategy,” he continues.

Le Grange is of the opinion that the social unrest in July is important for architects and urban designers to reflect upon. He elaborates: “In different ways, the sight of unrest stretching from Phoenix to Soweto shows that the apartheid city format remains very much intact. There has in fact been very little reconstruction and development. Our cities remain unsustainable, inequitable, and inefficient. These spaces are still conglomerations where there is no choice, no sense of place, no sense of safety, and no sense of security.”

For him as an architect and urbanist, the images of freeway landscapes summarise much of the shortcomings of our South African cities. He feels that it demonstrates a dependency on the private motor vehicle at the expense of safe and secure public transport. “It illustrates an environment full of physical barriers, which segregates communities in the isolated, monofunctional informal settlements that populate our urban landscapes,” he says. 

Le Grange is convinced that this condition – all over our nation’s towns and cities – is an inditement against our dysfunctional state. “It is astounding that 27 years since the birth of our democracy, the apartheid city planning model still prevails,” he says. 

Projects contributing to the social fabric

Much of the work he displayed during the lecture was done in the first decade after 1994. He says in the early years of our new democracy, the aspirations and ambitions of the RDP somehow influenced how our social services programmes were conceived and how they were delivered. The projects were executed in a manner that allowed greater social interpretation in terms of its design and execution. Facilities were expected to serve a broader social role, and its construction very often incorporated training and employment opportunities. 

“It was an exciting time, although short-lived.”

He grouped his work into three overlapping areas of concern – architecture and the city, architecture and history, and architecture and community – which have informed the understanding of various contextual challenges and inspired his design ideas. 

“These areas have assisted us to develop strategies that assist city building, urban design, engagement with user communities, the making of buildings, and the treatment and use of building materials,” he says. 

Talking about architecture and the city, he discussed the urban design for the old Klipfontein Road Corridor. The project consists of an activity corridor along 35 km of landscape and is envisioned as a space that will allow for various development opportunities. The project also aims to break down the barriers that divide much of the urban landscape in Cape Town and to populate it with nodes, coinciding with activity areas such as a stadium, schools, or shopping malls.

Le Grange’s portfolio also includes projects that investigate a revitalisation of destroyed and forgotten sites or landscapes in District Six.

As an urbanist, he investigates how cityscapes should perform to retain integrity and a kind of density that allows mixed-use development. He points out some of the opportunities that come with dense urban living, offered by structures such as major routes, punctuated with urban landmarks and streets. Multi-purpose in their function, he believes streets are social spaces where children can play and where communities can gather during a carnival or a protest. “It is also a place of finer intimacies, from which to be seen and into which one can look onto,” he adds. 

“One must also remember the existence of natural features; in this case the presence of Table Mountain that is like a mantle wrapped around Cape Town,” says Le Grange.

The declaration of the Group Areas Act in 1966 meant the end of this vibrant and highly liveable quarter in the city, and was followed by a period of destruction, implemented between the mid-1970s through to the 1990s.

Le Grange says there was, however, not a full removal. Places of worship and the schools were still occupied. When requested to develop a first-phase housing development for people to return to this area, it was around these particular social spaces that he worked. 

The first nine houses built for this project were privately funded by the developers and were constructed without any approval from the authorities. The occupants of these houses were the first claimants to be moved back to District Six after being forcibly removed by the apartheid regime. 

The Klipfontein and District Six projects are but two on the list of projects in which Le Grange – who believes all of humanity has a right to a life of dignity – was involved to better the lives of communities around him. 

Other projects he touched on during his lecture include the Genadendal Heritage, Conservation, and Restoration project, the Ocean View Community Hall, and the Hanover Park Market. 

View the complete lecture and access the virtual exhibition here. A live exhibition is also on display in the Oliewenhuis Art Museum. 

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept