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25 August 2022 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Supplied
Bernedette Muthien
Bernedette Muthien is the author of Rethinking Africa, which critically opens new pathways for decolonial scholarship and the reclamation of indigenous self-definition by women scholars.

“Claim your own agency and power, no matter how challenging the circumstances. Violence and oppression stop with each of us. We ended apartheid. We will end patriarchy. And everyone will benefit from the end of gender and intersecting oppressions, to live their full potential in an equal and nonviolent society. We are making the change; it is coming; always have hope.”

This is the message to women from Bernedette Muthien, Research Fellow in the Office for International Affairs at the University of the Free State (UFS).

For the past 20 years, she has conducted research on intersectional justice, a topic that is both scholarly, accessible to activists and others, and can be used to improve our communities, our country, and the world at large.

Muthien has written more than 200 publications, some translated into European and local languages, on gender, gender violence, HIV, Aids, poverty, and sexualities.

Additionally, she has published widely in peace and security studies, as well as indigenous studies. Some of her other works deal with human rights and justice, specifically the constitution and education in South Africa. "As a scholar and human being and being involved in the last cohort of youth activists against apartheid during the turbulent 1980s, I consider intersectional justice and constitutional rights of critical importance,” she says.

Restoring dignity to our people

One of Muthien’s most recent works, Rethinking Africa, is a collection of chapters by diverse indigenous women – from playwright Sylvia Vollenhoven, to academic Babalwa Magoqwana – reinterpreting our past from various women’s perspectives.

The book, conceived at the start of the pandemic lockdown and produced in less than a year, critically opens new pathways for decolonial scholarship and the reclamation of indigenous self-definition by women scholars. “It is long overdue that, as indigenous women, we write our own herstory, define our own contemporary cultural and socio-economic conditions, and conceive future visions based on our lived realities, which are social and gender equality, matricentric, beyond-heteronormative, based on nonviolence or peace, ecologically responsible, and goddess-loving,” she says. 

It is Muthien's commitment to her women ancestors and contemporary communities that inspired this work, correcting misinterpretations of indigenous knowledge, women's role in society, and colonially influenced patriarchy in our urban areas.

She believes one needs women at the centre of societies, co-creating social values and practices that are humane and nonviolent, that nurture and foster individual and collective growth, that heal and care, that do no harm, and definitely do not exploit. 

“There is enough light in the cosmos for all the stars to shine. One star’s light does not diminish the glitter of other stars, and shining together, all the stars united can be brighter than even the sun. Together, we continue to define our own herstories and scholarship for ourselves, as indigenous peoples in Africa,” Muthien was heard saying at the online launch of Rethinking Africa last year. 

Through this publication, she mostly wanted to convey that women are central to indigenous societies, and that our environment is alive and worthy of respect. In Muthien's view, humans, animals, plants, and the planet should not be exploited in any way but imbued with dignity.

Furthermore, she believes that we need to reclaim these core indigenous values and practices that have been corrupted by colonially inspired patriarchy. “As a result, we will eradicate gender violence and restore dignity to our women, our men, and to our people," she says.

Challenging colonially inspired patriarchy

The intent of Rethinking Africa is to contribute to scholarship. Yet the contributors are from different sectors, writing in diverse styles, making this work accessible to all audiences. “Photographs of sacred sites and rock art, as well as poems by leading indigenous poets, are included in the book, illustrating the indigenous intersections between scholarship, art, creativity, spirituality, and between individual and community,” she explains. 

The work specifically challenges colonially inspired patriarchy, including religious teachings about patriarchy, about the subordination of women, which contradict indigenous wisdoms of equality and women at society’s centre.

Muthien’s work, although challenging for some, does add value, changing people’s lives for the better. For decades, she has worked on consciousness transformation through scholarship and community work. She is of the opinion that mindsets need to change in order to change behaviour and society. “In this way, the change is deep and lasting,” she says. 

She is also a firm believer in less talk, and more strategic and effective action. “In taking action, one first decolonises the mindset; strip it bare of all internalised oppression. Then it is important to re-instil ancient indigenous knowledge, values, and practices. Also offer skills, networks, resources, to communities as they offer their knowledge to scholars.”

“In addition, leave concrete assets for communities,” she says. Muthien tells the story of a family in Andriesvale, deep in the Kalahari, who built their Kalahari Kombuis, which serves as their residence and a tourist entertainment and dining venue, funded by a small group of Dutch feminists who wanted to contribute to reparations. According to her, the building and the family and community thrive to this day.

And importantly, it is key to have compassion. “Always compassion,” she says.

Muthien offered Rethinking Africa as her contribution to the various communities she has served over decades since birth.

• The book is available in bookshops and online, and online around the world.

News Archive

Media: Sunday Times
2006-05-20

Sunday Times, 4 June 2006

True leadership may mean admitting disunity
 

In this edited extract from the inaugural King Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State, Professor Njabulo S Ndebele explores the leadership challenges facing South Africa

RECENT events have created a sense that we are undergoing a serious crisis of leadership in our new democracy. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and committed South Africans, across class, racial and cultural spectrums, confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994.

When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. We have the sense that events are spiralling out of control and that no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a definitive handle on things.

There can be nothing more debilitating than a generalised and undefined sense of anxiety in the body politic. It breeds conspiracies and fear.

There is an impression that a very complex society has developed, in the last few years, a rather simple, centralised governance mechanism in the hope that delivery can be better and more quickly driven. The complexity of governance then gets located within a single structure of authority rather than in the devolved structures envisaged in the Constitution, which should interact with one another continuously, and in response to their specific settings, to achieve defined goals. Collapse in a single structure of authority, because there is no robust backup, can be catastrophic.

The autonomy of devolved structures presents itself as an impediment only when visionary cohesion collapses. Where such cohesion is strong, the impediment is only illusory, particularly when it encourages healthy competition, for example, among the provinces, or where a province develops a character that is not necessarily autonomous politically but rather distinctive and a special source of regional pride. Such competition brings vibrancy to the country. It does not necessarily challenge the centre.

Devolved autonomy is vital in the interests of sustainable governance. The failure of various structures to actualise their constitutionally defined roles should not be attributed to the failure of the prescribed governance mechanism. It is too early to say that what we have has not worked. The only viable corrective will be in our ability to be robust in identifying the problems and dealing with them concertedly.

We have never had social cohesion in South Africa — certainly not since the Natives’ Land Act of 1913. What we definitely have had over the decades is a mobilising vision. Could it be that the mobilising vision, mistaken for social cohesion, is cracking under the weight of the reality and extent of social reconstruction, and that the legitimate framework for debating these problems is collapsing? If that is so, are we witnessing a cumulative failure of leadership?

I am making a descriptive rather than an evaluative inquiry. I do not believe that there is any single entity to be blamed. It is simply that we may be a country in search of another line of approach. What will it be?

I would like to suggest two avenues of approach — an inclusive model and a counter-intuitive model of leadership.

In an inclusive approach, leadership is exercised not only by those who have been put in some position of power to steer an organisation or institution. Leadership is what all of us do when we express, sincerely, our deepest feelings and thoughts; when we do our work, whatever it is, with passion and integrity.

Counter-intuitive leadership lies in the ability of leaders to read a problematic situation, assess probable outcomes and then recognise that those outcomes will only compound the problem. Genuine leadership, in this sense, requires going against probability in seeking unexpected outcomes. That’s what happened when we avoided a civil war and ended up with an “unexpected” democracy.

Right now, we may very well hear desperate calls for unity, when the counter-intuitive imperative would be to acknowledge disunity. A declaration of unity where it manifestly does not appear to exist will fail to reassure.

Many within the “broad alliance” might have the view that the mobilising vision of old may have transformed into a strategy of executive steering with a disposition towards an expectation of compliance. No matter how compelling the reasons for that tendency, it may be seen as part of a cumulative process in which popular notions of democratic governance are apparently undermined and devalued; and where public uncertainty in the midst of seeming crisis induces fear which could freeze public thinking at a time when more voices ought to be heard.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of opposition? We are horrified that any of us could be seen to have become “the opposition”. The word has been demonised. In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there is no longer a single, overwhelmingly dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of history. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than seek to prevent it. We see here once more the essential creativity of the counter-intuitive imperative.

This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement. Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it is currently, and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest in different articulations, which then contend for social influence. In this way, the vision never really dies; it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. Consider the metaphor of flying ants replicating the ant community by establishing new ones.

We may certainly experience the meaning of comradeship differently, where we will now have “comrades on the other side”.

Any political movement that imagines itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few movements have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early ’90s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed leading up to the adoption or our Constitution?

This is not a time for repeating old platitudes. It is the time, once more, for vision.

In the total scheme of things, the outcome could be as disastrous as it could be formative and uplifting, setting in place the conditions for a true renaissance that could be sustained for generations to come.

Ndebele is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town and author of the novel The Cry of Winnie Mandela

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