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17 February 2022 | Story Anthony Mthembu | Photo Sonia Small
UFS students

The University of the Free State realises that the registration period can be stressful and frustrating to students for various reasons. 

In an effort to ensure that as many students as possible can successfully register for the 2022 academic year, the University of the Free State (UFS) has introduced a number of financial concessions. These financial concessions are specifically intended to fast-track the registration process of students who are currently awaiting confirmation of funding from the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS).

Students with challenges regarding the application of the N+ rule

Students who have previously registered for foundation programmes and those who have continued with mainstream programmes will be allowed to register without the prerequisite of a first payment. This is on condition that they apply with the N+ rule (an added year of funding) and that their respective foundation programmes are included in the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET)-funded list. Only students who do not have outstanding debt will qualify for this concession. 

2022 NSFAS-funded students

In addition, students whose funding has been confirmed by NSFAS for the 2022 academic year, will be permitted to register without a first payment.

Students without NSFAS 2022 funding confirmation with outstanding debt

Students awaiting NSFAS funding confirmation for 2022 will be allowed to register provisionally if their debt does not exceed R25 000.
Approval has been obtained to increase the maximum debt carried forward from 2021 from R20 000 to R25 000 to enable students to register provisionally.

Provisional registration for continuing NSFAS students 

Furthermore, continuing NSFAS students who are currently awaiting funding confirmation for the 2022 academic year, will be permitted to register provisionally. These are students
• who have been funded by NSFAS in 2021; 
• whose funding reflects on the NSFAS Bursary Agreement Report for the year 2021; and
• who have passed 50% of registered modules in 2021 or are in their final year in 2022. 
• The offer for continuing students to register provisionally also extend to those who are in the N+1 period. 

The official registration of these students will be subject to funding approval from NSFAS for the 2022 academic year. To ensure that all students are in classes on 21 February 2022, the abovementioned group of students have until 31 March 2022 to confirm their funding. 

Conditional registration for first-time entering students

With registration an overwhelming experience for first-time entering students, the UFS is also looking at concessions for these students who will start their studies at the university this year. 

The university has given first-time entering students who have applied for NSFAS funding and are awaiting confirmation, until 28 February 2022 to finalise their registration. 

Permission to finalise registration a week after the UFS registration cut-off time is granted to all South African first-time entering undergraduate students who are admitted and term-activated for 2022 NSFAS-funded academic programmes, and whose funding has not yet been confirmed. 

The amount payable for conditional registration for first-time entering students (residential and non-residential) is R500.

The UFS is hopeful that these financial concessions will assist in calming anxiety around the ongoing registration process.


News Archive

Media: Sunday Times
2006-05-20

Sunday Times, 4 June 2006

True leadership may mean admitting disunity
 

In this edited extract from the inaugural King Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State, Professor Njabulo S Ndebele explores the leadership challenges facing South Africa

RECENT events have created a sense that we are undergoing a serious crisis of leadership in our new democracy. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and committed South Africans, across class, racial and cultural spectrums, confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994.

When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. We have the sense that events are spiralling out of control and that no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a definitive handle on things.

There can be nothing more debilitating than a generalised and undefined sense of anxiety in the body politic. It breeds conspiracies and fear.

There is an impression that a very complex society has developed, in the last few years, a rather simple, centralised governance mechanism in the hope that delivery can be better and more quickly driven. The complexity of governance then gets located within a single structure of authority rather than in the devolved structures envisaged in the Constitution, which should interact with one another continuously, and in response to their specific settings, to achieve defined goals. Collapse in a single structure of authority, because there is no robust backup, can be catastrophic.

The autonomy of devolved structures presents itself as an impediment only when visionary cohesion collapses. Where such cohesion is strong, the impediment is only illusory, particularly when it encourages healthy competition, for example, among the provinces, or where a province develops a character that is not necessarily autonomous politically but rather distinctive and a special source of regional pride. Such competition brings vibrancy to the country. It does not necessarily challenge the centre.

Devolved autonomy is vital in the interests of sustainable governance. The failure of various structures to actualise their constitutionally defined roles should not be attributed to the failure of the prescribed governance mechanism. It is too early to say that what we have has not worked. The only viable corrective will be in our ability to be robust in identifying the problems and dealing with them concertedly.

We have never had social cohesion in South Africa — certainly not since the Natives’ Land Act of 1913. What we definitely have had over the decades is a mobilising vision. Could it be that the mobilising vision, mistaken for social cohesion, is cracking under the weight of the reality and extent of social reconstruction, and that the legitimate framework for debating these problems is collapsing? If that is so, are we witnessing a cumulative failure of leadership?

I am making a descriptive rather than an evaluative inquiry. I do not believe that there is any single entity to be blamed. It is simply that we may be a country in search of another line of approach. What will it be?

I would like to suggest two avenues of approach — an inclusive model and a counter-intuitive model of leadership.

In an inclusive approach, leadership is exercised not only by those who have been put in some position of power to steer an organisation or institution. Leadership is what all of us do when we express, sincerely, our deepest feelings and thoughts; when we do our work, whatever it is, with passion and integrity.

Counter-intuitive leadership lies in the ability of leaders to read a problematic situation, assess probable outcomes and then recognise that those outcomes will only compound the problem. Genuine leadership, in this sense, requires going against probability in seeking unexpected outcomes. That’s what happened when we avoided a civil war and ended up with an “unexpected” democracy.

Right now, we may very well hear desperate calls for unity, when the counter-intuitive imperative would be to acknowledge disunity. A declaration of unity where it manifestly does not appear to exist will fail to reassure.

Many within the “broad alliance” might have the view that the mobilising vision of old may have transformed into a strategy of executive steering with a disposition towards an expectation of compliance. No matter how compelling the reasons for that tendency, it may be seen as part of a cumulative process in which popular notions of democratic governance are apparently undermined and devalued; and where public uncertainty in the midst of seeming crisis induces fear which could freeze public thinking at a time when more voices ought to be heard.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of opposition? We are horrified that any of us could be seen to have become “the opposition”. The word has been demonised. In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there is no longer a single, overwhelmingly dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of history. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than seek to prevent it. We see here once more the essential creativity of the counter-intuitive imperative.

This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement. Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it is currently, and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest in different articulations, which then contend for social influence. In this way, the vision never really dies; it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. Consider the metaphor of flying ants replicating the ant community by establishing new ones.

We may certainly experience the meaning of comradeship differently, where we will now have “comrades on the other side”.

Any political movement that imagines itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few movements have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early ’90s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed leading up to the adoption or our Constitution?

This is not a time for repeating old platitudes. It is the time, once more, for vision.

In the total scheme of things, the outcome could be as disastrous as it could be formative and uplifting, setting in place the conditions for a true renaissance that could be sustained for generations to come.

Ndebele is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town and author of the novel The Cry of Winnie Mandela

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