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28 January 2022 | Story Prof Sethulego Matebesi | Photo Sonia Small (Kaleidoscope Studios)
Prof Sethulego Matebesi
Prof Sethulego Matebesi.

Opinion article by Prof Sethulego Matebesi, Academic Head of Department, Associate Professor: Sociology, University of the Free State .


In Teams of Rivals, author Doris Goodwin notes how former American president Abraham Lincoln created value by surrounding himself with people who have the capacity and the tenacity to challenge him. Despite many of the challenges he faced throughout his presidency, he managed to build a common cause with his cabinet to foster the interests of Americans. In a completely different text, Crisis of Conscience: Whistleblowing in an Age of Fraud, Tom Mueller laments how people fail to act out of apathy, complicity, or fear. 


These two distinct texts raise the question of how leadership should react to criticism and the requisite degree of freedom of speech that public representatives should have. 


Similarly, the back-and-forth saga between Tourism Minister Lindiwe Sisulu and President Cyril Ramaphosa over whether she apologised for her opinion piece that criticised black judges, effectively drills home a longstanding historical lesson. This lesson is that political astuteness is a phenomenon as old as the history of politics itself.

Although the astuteness shown by Sisulu against critics from her political party may be puzzling, her public exchanges that a statement by President Cyril Ramaphosa was a ‘misrepresentation’ of their meeting are more puzzling. 
But why is this puzzling? What are we to do about what some call a show of unprecedented defiance and others assertiveness? We also need to ask whether Sisulu’s stance can be adequately explained by those who label her as being arrogant and who deserve to be fired by President Ramaphosa.

A political travesty to apologise on behalf of Sisulu

Public apologies are a common occurrence globally. They often come by way of assuming guilt, expressing remorse, and admitting responsibility. Thus, proper apology etiquette requires the ‘wrongdoer’ to deliver the apology. However, this was not the case with Minister Sisulu.

Sisulu acted in a very public way with her opinion piece and her response to the ‘apology in her name’ released by the presidency. Certainly, with her experience as a public figure, she was aware of the implications of her actions.

Furthermore, she was consistent with her narrative against criticism directed towards her. Yet, we do not know why the presidency saw the need to apologise on behalf of Sisulu. Perhaps it had unreasonable expectations that Sisulu would publicly accept what she disagreed with privately.

Notwithstanding the sincerity of the presidency in dealing with this matter, supporters of President Ramaphosa will, on the one hand, be disillusioned by this own goal. At the same time, those who support Minister Sisulu may be encouraged by her steadfast refusal to accept a coerced apology used as a shaming mechanism. She inadvertently represents a dynamic articulation of an alternative repertoire of contention within the ANC.

Lately, we have witnessed a surge of nationalism globally during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Economist referred to the narrative battle between China and the United States over the pandemic as a ‘new scold war’, threatening to tear the world apart. But, as this Sino-US relationship reminds us, what is at stake is less the tit-for-tat scold war between Sisulu and Ramaphosa that threatens to spiral out of control, than the subdued attempts to attain constituent support within the ANC.

Sisulu herself has never publicly indicated her availability to contest the presidency of the ANC at its next elective conference. By any measure, if she does have such aspirations, stepping forward and engaging politically is one thing, but open defiance of authority is another. Since there are no permanently privileged constituencies in political malaise created by regeneration projects such as the organisational renewal drive of the ANC, the struggle to articulate and establish the interests of those who are aggrieved within the party is an ongoing process.

But where does this leave President Ramaphosa?

Many commentators have noted that his long game is no longer effective. However, President Ramaphosa wants to upend the notion that robust debates within the structures of the ANC are not tolerated. He is wary of the propensity of ANC structures to support those who are victimised. And while the scold war is in full swing, others will join in trying to win the hearts and minds of ANC members.

Meanwhile, when failure to act decisively in the face of predictable situations facing the country, particularly during a crisis; we can then no longer talk about protecting the interests of South Africans.

News Archive

Media: Moshoeshoe-lesing waardevol
2006-05-29



Hoofartikel
29 Mei 2006

 

Waardevolle lesing

DIE eerste koning Moshoeshoe-gedenklesing van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het sommer met die intrapslag prikkelende gedagtes opgelewer en wys dat dit ’n paslike en nuttige manier is om ook die bydraes van swart leiers in Afrika te eer.

Terselfdertyd verskaf die eerste gedenklesing wat deur prof. Njabulo Ndebele, vise-kanselier van die Universiteit van Kaapstad gelewer is, diep stof tot nadenke en debat.

Die gedenklesing kom juis terwyl al hoe meer wenkbroue gelig word oor die skepping van ’n ander forum, die Native Club, waarvan wit Afrikane uitgesluit word.

Dis die geesteskind van mnr. Titus Mafolo, politieke raadgewer van pres. Thabo Mbeki, en die doel daarvan is om ’n forum te verskaf vir Afrika-intelligentsia.

In teenstelling met die ras-eksklusiewe Native Club wat ’n ongelukkige teruggryp is na rasgegronde instellings onder die apartheidsbewind, het prof. Ndebele in die gees van die inklusiewe leierskap van koning Moshoeshoe van Lesotho die gedenklesing opgedra aan al dié mense in Suid-Afrika en elders wat die moed het om hul oorwoë mening uit te druk oor belangrike sake wat die samelewing in die gestig staar.

Hy het tereg bygevoeg dié lesing kom op ’n kritieke punt in Suid-Afrika se nuwe demokrasie.
Prof. Ndebele het daarop gewys dat koning Moshoeshoe – Lesotho het onder sy leierskap mense van verskeie dele van die subkontinent gelok – kon bewys dat verskeidenheid ’n bindende eienskap kan wees.
Jy bereik die grootste eenheid tussen onderskeidende entiteite waar jy relatief vrye ruimte aan hulle gee om hul eiesoortige kenmerke na vore te bring.

Prof. Ndebele het ook opgemerk ’n toenemende aantal hoogs intelligente, sensitiewe en toegewyde Suid-Afrikaners oor die klas-, ras- en kulturele spektrum heen, bely dat hulle soos nooit tevore nie, onseker en kwesbaar voel sedert 1994.

Hierdie koerant spreek ter aansluiting hierby die wens uit dat die ANC-regeringsalliansie sal toesien dat wie ook al die leiding vorentoe in dié alliansie oorneem, ook daardie saambindende eienskappe moet besit wat koning Moshoeshoe gehad het. En wat hy gebruik het om sy land uit te bou en te verenig.

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