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03 June 2022 | Story Nitha Ramnath and Andre Damons


The criminal justice system in South Africa is not the solution to fixing the country’s crime problem, according to Gareth Newham, Head of the Justice and Violence Prevention Programme at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS).

Newham was part of the University of the Free State’s (UFS) webinar titled Crime in South Africa – who is to blame? which is the first instalment of the Thought-Leader webinar series.  Adriaan Basson, Editor of News24, Prof Joy Owen, Head of the Department of Anthropology at the University of the Free State (UFS), and Justice Dennis Davis, retired Judge at the High Court of Cape Town, were also part of the panel, which was facilitated by Prof Francis Petersen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS. 
 
Newham also said that the criminal justice system is a reactive system. “Problems can be addressed through proper policing, where the job of the police is to identify where the crime is and who is responsible,” he added. “To reduce the murder rate, we need to look at information available and start developing evidence-based prevention programmes in specific localities,” said Newham. Newham added that there needs to be an overhaul of the SAPS and a rethinking of what we expect from the police. “SAPS needs to build public trust and must be trained in communication, problem solving, and the de-escalation of violence,” added Newham.

Newham pointed out that foreign nationals are not the cause of crime in South Africa.

All South Africans are responsible for crime in the country

According to Prof Owen, all South Africans are responsible for crime in the country. We are responsible for curbing it, eradicating it, and removing it. We are also responsible for supporting it, maintaining it, and incubating it.

“We are part of a larger ecology that is responsive to the other. And to understand the complexity of crime, we need to consider the system, not merely its parts. If we do, this wisdom might prevail as we admit that we are indeed all part of a societal problem, and by implication the solution we are waiting for.” 

“Whose responsibility is it then to ‘combat’ crime? Yours and mine. How? We need to build the social compact. We need to recognise the value and strength that exist in our co-relating. Recognise our responsibility to each other. Understand the dynamics of power, and how a collective response from the bottom up can manifest a different reality – Operation Dudula is a case in point, yes. But so too are other community-driven organisations such as Equal Education, and most noticeably, Gift of the Givers,” said Prof Owen. 

She also asked the question – given the recent statistics with the unemployment rate in South Africa being 35,3% and the youth unemployment rate 66,5%, have you wondered why the crime rate is not higher? South Africa has one police officer for every 413 civilians. 

“The majority of those living in South Africa are not committing crimes, even if we recognise that crimes are underreported in South Africa; even if we understand that we will never have enough police officers to prevent crime. Think about it. Do we understand that most of those who are resident in South Africa are law-abiding citizens? Do we understand that daily, men and women make a conscious choice not to rob another?”

Any solution to crime in South Africa, according to Prof Owen, will have to be multifaceted, multipronged, and holistic. Poverty needs to be eradicated; we need to ensure food security and active engagement in livelihoods that secure our collective well-being. 

SAPS have not functioned properly for many years

Basson, who talked from the perspective of a journalist with 20 years’ experience, said we cannot look at crime in the country without looking at our history, as the country has a violent history. Crime is not something new that started in 1994. The history of colonialism and apartheid marked by crime against certain people because of their race, contributed and is still contributing to many of the issues that underline and caused the crime we have in our country today.
According to Basson, unemployment, poverty, and inequality also contribute to crime. He said the police have not functioned properly for many years. It has not acted as a protection service for South Africans – especially those who cannot afford private security. This can be attributed to corruption in the leadership of the police. 
 
“We have a big problem with our police, and unfortunately, I do not see a way out. I also do not think our current administration has a clear strategy to fix the police. The current Minister of Police has been fired as police commissioner due to a dodgy building contract (which was overturned in court many years later), and now it feels like he is still not done, as he acts more like the police commissioner than the political head,” said Basson.

Judge Davis added that while the police produce good evidence from time to time, shoddy work often prevents convictions, which is exacerbated by the absence of forensic skills. “A complete degradation of the system exists and there is the need for an overhaul of the SAPS,” added Judge Davis. He stressed that the huge levels of corruption within the SAPS compounds the problem even further and questioned whether we are attracting the right people into SAPS. 

Resurrection of the NPA needed

Judge Davis did not mince his words when he said that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) was guttered under Shaun Abrahams. He added that successful prosecutions were needed, and support from the private bar was important for the NPA to be resurrected. “There are many talented and dedicated prosecutors in the NPA,” he added.

According to Judge Davis, the court system is under tremendous strain, and however skilled or talented the magistrates and judges are, the Stalingrad tactics of holding up cases forever is problematic. He added that hearings should be longer. “Court times are a significant problem, and we do not sit for enough hours and push cases as significantly as we can,” he emphasised.

Judge Davis also touched on the complex parole system and emphasised the need for proper parole officers. He added that a completely inadequate system exists from beginning to end, and that there is a need to use the skills that South Africa has. “Sentencing is also a problem, and no proper sentencing training exists for judges,” he added.

“If we had national security, the July 2021 unrest would not have happened, and we would have had convictions,” he said.
“We also cannot underestimate the effects of apartheid and the social and political consequences of people living on the margins in relation to crime,” Judge Davis added. 

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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