Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
03 June 2022 | Story Nitha Ramnath and Andre Damons


The criminal justice system in South Africa is not the solution to fixing the country’s crime problem, according to Gareth Newham, Head of the Justice and Violence Prevention Programme at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS).

Newham was part of the University of the Free State’s (UFS) webinar titled Crime in South Africa – who is to blame? which is the first instalment of the Thought-Leader webinar series.  Adriaan Basson, Editor of News24, Prof Joy Owen, Head of the Department of Anthropology at the University of the Free State (UFS), and Justice Dennis Davis, retired Judge at the High Court of Cape Town, were also part of the panel, which was facilitated by Prof Francis Petersen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS. 
 
Newham also said that the criminal justice system is a reactive system. “Problems can be addressed through proper policing, where the job of the police is to identify where the crime is and who is responsible,” he added. “To reduce the murder rate, we need to look at information available and start developing evidence-based prevention programmes in specific localities,” said Newham. Newham added that there needs to be an overhaul of the SAPS and a rethinking of what we expect from the police. “SAPS needs to build public trust and must be trained in communication, problem solving, and the de-escalation of violence,” added Newham.

Newham pointed out that foreign nationals are not the cause of crime in South Africa.

All South Africans are responsible for crime in the country

According to Prof Owen, all South Africans are responsible for crime in the country. We are responsible for curbing it, eradicating it, and removing it. We are also responsible for supporting it, maintaining it, and incubating it.

“We are part of a larger ecology that is responsive to the other. And to understand the complexity of crime, we need to consider the system, not merely its parts. If we do, this wisdom might prevail as we admit that we are indeed all part of a societal problem, and by implication the solution we are waiting for.” 

“Whose responsibility is it then to ‘combat’ crime? Yours and mine. How? We need to build the social compact. We need to recognise the value and strength that exist in our co-relating. Recognise our responsibility to each other. Understand the dynamics of power, and how a collective response from the bottom up can manifest a different reality – Operation Dudula is a case in point, yes. But so too are other community-driven organisations such as Equal Education, and most noticeably, Gift of the Givers,” said Prof Owen. 

She also asked the question – given the recent statistics with the unemployment rate in South Africa being 35,3% and the youth unemployment rate 66,5%, have you wondered why the crime rate is not higher? South Africa has one police officer for every 413 civilians. 

“The majority of those living in South Africa are not committing crimes, even if we recognise that crimes are underreported in South Africa; even if we understand that we will never have enough police officers to prevent crime. Think about it. Do we understand that most of those who are resident in South Africa are law-abiding citizens? Do we understand that daily, men and women make a conscious choice not to rob another?”

Any solution to crime in South Africa, according to Prof Owen, will have to be multifaceted, multipronged, and holistic. Poverty needs to be eradicated; we need to ensure food security and active engagement in livelihoods that secure our collective well-being. 

SAPS have not functioned properly for many years

Basson, who talked from the perspective of a journalist with 20 years’ experience, said we cannot look at crime in the country without looking at our history, as the country has a violent history. Crime is not something new that started in 1994. The history of colonialism and apartheid marked by crime against certain people because of their race, contributed and is still contributing to many of the issues that underline and caused the crime we have in our country today.
According to Basson, unemployment, poverty, and inequality also contribute to crime. He said the police have not functioned properly for many years. It has not acted as a protection service for South Africans – especially those who cannot afford private security. This can be attributed to corruption in the leadership of the police. 
 
“We have a big problem with our police, and unfortunately, I do not see a way out. I also do not think our current administration has a clear strategy to fix the police. The current Minister of Police has been fired as police commissioner due to a dodgy building contract (which was overturned in court many years later), and now it feels like he is still not done, as he acts more like the police commissioner than the political head,” said Basson.

Judge Davis added that while the police produce good evidence from time to time, shoddy work often prevents convictions, which is exacerbated by the absence of forensic skills. “A complete degradation of the system exists and there is the need for an overhaul of the SAPS,” added Judge Davis. He stressed that the huge levels of corruption within the SAPS compounds the problem even further and questioned whether we are attracting the right people into SAPS. 

Resurrection of the NPA needed

Judge Davis did not mince his words when he said that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) was guttered under Shaun Abrahams. He added that successful prosecutions were needed, and support from the private bar was important for the NPA to be resurrected. “There are many talented and dedicated prosecutors in the NPA,” he added.

According to Judge Davis, the court system is under tremendous strain, and however skilled or talented the magistrates and judges are, the Stalingrad tactics of holding up cases forever is problematic. He added that hearings should be longer. “Court times are a significant problem, and we do not sit for enough hours and push cases as significantly as we can,” he emphasised.

Judge Davis also touched on the complex parole system and emphasised the need for proper parole officers. He added that a completely inadequate system exists from beginning to end, and that there is a need to use the skills that South Africa has. “Sentencing is also a problem, and no proper sentencing training exists for judges,” he added.

“If we had national security, the July 2021 unrest would not have happened, and we would have had convictions,” he said.
“We also cannot underestimate the effects of apartheid and the social and political consequences of people living on the margins in relation to crime,” Judge Davis added. 

News Archive

Moshoeshoe - lessons from an African icon - by Prof Frederick Fourie
2004-11-03

(The full text of the article that appeared in City Press and Sunday Independent)

Our understanding of history informs our understanding of the present. No wonder the contestation over historical figures in South Africa’s past is so fierce and so divisive.
The question is: could it be any other way? I would like to think that it could; that black and white South Africans, across linguistic, cultural, religious and other divides, can develop a shared appreciation of our history – at least with certain periods and personalities as a starting point.

One such personality whose legacy I believe offers a possible platform for unifying our still divided country is King Moshoeshoe, who lived from 1786 to 1870, and is acknowledged as the founder of the Basotho.

King Moshoeshoe is the topic of a documentary that has been commissioned by the University of the Free State as part of its Centenary celebrations this year. It is part of a larger project to honour and research the legacy of Moshoeshoe. The documentary will be screened on SABC 2 at 21:00 on November 4th.

Moshoeshoe rose to prominence at a time of great upheaval and conflict in South Africa – the 19th century, a time when British colonialism was entrenching itself, when the Boer trekkers were migrating from the Cape and when numerous indigenous chiefdoms and groupings were engaged in territorial conquests. It was the time of the Difaqane, a period when society in the central parts of the later South Africa and Lesotho was fractured, destabilised and caught in a cycle of violence and aggression.

In this period Moshoeshoe displayed a unique and innovative model of leadership that resulted in reconciliation, peace and stability in the area that later became Lesotho and Free State. It made him stand out from many of his contemporaries and also caught the attention of his colonial adversaries.

Such an evaluation is not a judgment about which model of leadership is right and which is wrong, or which leader was better than another; but merely an attempt to explore what we can learn from a particular exemplar.
|
Historians point to the many progressive leadership qualities displayed by Moshoeshoe which he used effectively in establishing the Basotho nation and in defending it.
First, there is his humanism and sense of justice worthy of any great statesman. Confronted by a situation in which cannibals murdered and devoured his grandfather, Moshoeshoe chose not to take revenge. Instead he opted to rehabilitate them and feed them as he believed hunger drove them to cannibalism.

Secondly, there is his skilful alliance-building with his contemporaries such as Shaka in an attempt to neutralize those rivals who were intent on attacking his followers. This is also displayed in the way he sought the protection of the British to keep the Boer forces at bay.
Thirdly, his emphasis on peaceful options is also seen in his defensive military strategy which saw him retreat to a mountain fortress to be able to protect and build a burgeoning nation in the face of the many forces threatening its survival.

Fourthly, there is his remarkable inclusivity and tolerance for diversity which saw him unite disparate groups of refugees from the violence and hunger that displaced them and then weld them into the Basotho nation. He also engaged with French missionaries, inviting them to stay with him and advise him on Western thought, technology and religion.
These are but some of the qualities which belie the notion that all 19th century African leaders were merely marauders and conquerors that gained their ascendancy through violence. Instead Moshoeshoe is a prime example of the human-centred, democratic and pluralist roots of South African, indeed African society.

The Moshoeshoe project that we have initiated (of which the documentary, called “The Renaissance King”, forms but one part) derives from our location as a university in the Free State, a province with a particular history and a particular political culture that developed as a result of this very model of leadership. This province has benefited tremendously from leaders such as Moshoeshoe and president MT Steyn, both of whom many observers credit with establishing a climate of tolerance, respect for diversity of opinion, political accommodation and peaceful methods of pursuing political objectives in the province. Their legacy is real – and Moshoeshoe’s role can not be overstated.
In addition the project derives from the University of the Free State being a site of higher learning in a broader geo-political sense. As a university in Africa we are called upon to understand and critically engage with this history, this context and this legacy.
Besides the documentary, the UFS is also planning to establish an annual Moshoeshoe memorial lecture which will focus on and interrogate models of African leadership, nation-building, reconciliation, diversity management and political tolerance.

In tackling such projects, there may be a temptation to engage in myth-making. It is a trap we must be wary of, especially as an institution of higher learning. We need to ask critical questions about some aspects of Moshoeshoe’s leadership but of current political leadership as well. Thus there is a need for rigorous academic research into aspects of the Moshoeshoe legacy in particular but also into these above-mentioned issues.
While the documentary was commissioned to coincide with the University of the Free State’s centenary and our country’s ten years of democracy, it is a project that has a much wider significance. It is an attempt to get people talking about our past and about our future, as a campus, as a province and as a country – even as a continent, given the NEPAD initiatives to promote democracy and good governance.

The project therefore has particular relevance for the continued transformation of institutions such as universities and the transformation of our society. Hopefully it will assist those who are confronted by the question how to bring about new institutional cultures or even a national political culture that is truly inclusive, tolerant, democratic, non-sexist, non-racial, multilingual and multicultural.

I believe that the Moshoeshoe model of leadership can be emulated and provide some point of convergence. A fractured society such as ours needs points of convergence, icons and heroes which we can share. Moshoeshoe is one such an African icon – in a world with too few of them.

Prof Frederick Fourie is the Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State

* The documentary on “Moshoeshoe: The Renaissance King” will be screened on SABC2 on 4 November 2004 at 21:00.

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept