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14 June 2022 | Story Dr Nitha Ramnath | Photo Francois van Vuuren (iflair photography)
Prof Anil Sooklal, Ambassador-at-Large for Asia and BRICS
Prof Anil Sooklal, Ambassador-at-Large for Asia and BRICS in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation, Republic of South Africa

“The Global South is no longer weak. Nor will we continue to perpetuate suffering imposed upon us. BRICS has an important role to play in shaping the emerging international order at this critical juncture in human history.” These were the sentiments of Prof Anil Sooklal, Ambassador-at-Large for Asia and BRICS, Department of International Relations and Cooperation, Republic of South Africa, who presented a guest lecture titled: The Role of BRICS in Shaping the Emerging International Order. The lecture, hosted by the University of the Free State (UFS), was followed by a panel discussion facilitated by Prof Francis Petersen, the Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS, with panel members comprising Prof Philippe Burger, Dean of the Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences, UFS; Prof Hussein Solomon, Senior Professor, Political Studies and Governance, UFS; and Ms Mosibudi Motimele, Lecturer, Political Studies and Governance, UFS. 

While the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war has prompted questions about the future of BRICS, Ambassador Sooklal’s position is clear – there is a future for BRICS. “It is paramount that the Global South is no longer an outlier or merely a witness to an evolving global architecture,” says Ambassador Sooklal. He emphasised that “BRICS is a powerful voice of countries of the South. The BRICS Outreach and BRICS Plus have been embraced by the countries of the South, which have been interacting with BRICS over the past decade, including the AU and other regional organisations of the South”.  

BRICS was founded on the core principle of shaping an international order that is fair, just, inclusive, equitable, and representative. It is also focused on strengthening and reforming multilateral systems, with the UN at its centre. “It is important that BRICS remains true to its founding principles and continues, now more than ever, to champion the core interests of the Global South, especially overcoming political, economic, and financial marginalisation. Furthermore, BRICS must continue to address the key developmental challenges of poverty, underdevelopment, and inequality, which have been relegated to the margins by most in the international community. BRICS must become a force multiplier in addressing the key challenges of the developing world,” added Ambassador Sooklal. 

The ambassador cautioned South Africa against being drawn into a major power contestation and encouraged that those who seek to perpetuate their hegemonic ambitions on the global stage be challenged. 

“BRICS must continue to champion the interests of the South while also working in partnership and co-operation with the global community, including countries of the North that share a common vision of creating a global order that is underpinned by multi-polarity, a rule-based international order, international law, and a reinvigorated, reformed, and strengthened multilateral system with the UN at its centre,” said Ambassador Sooklal. 

He added that we must return to the ideals of the UN Charter and build a people-centred world order, as so succinctly stated in the preamble of the charter. 

Prof Burger reflected on the nature of BRICS and expressed that the nature of BRICS is not all that clear because of the political developments in BRICS and the US over the past eight years. “In spite of all the business and academic interaction, BRICS today is ideologically weaker than a decade ago, as its members are less united in purpose,” said Prof Burger. 

Prof Burger added that politics in four of the five BRICS countries turned nationalist. “For two of the four, this means a new Cold War with the US. 

For the other two, however, this means closer ties with the US.” 

Where does this leave South Africa, the fifth country? According to Prof Burger, we should not burn our bridges. “We need Chinese and US investments, and we should also learn the nature of the regimes in all four of the other BRICS countries.” 
Prof Anil Sooklal with Prof Francis PetersenProf Anil Sooklal with Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Rector and Vice-Chancellor. Photo: Francois van Vuuren.

“As a country that really needs to get its economy growing, we will certainly need to tread very carefully,” said Prof Burger. 

Prof Solomon was not convinced that BRICS had a role to play in shaping the international order, taking a rather pessimistic view of the BRICS grouping, which he felt made no sense, sharing no common values nor strategic interests. 

“China’s economic relationship with Africa, as with many of its other so-called partners, is one of neo-colonialism,” said Prof Solomon. He added that China and Russia have anti-West rhetoric and a narrative of decolonisation in common, while expanding their own national interests across the continent. 

“More worrying is the militarisation of China’s presence in Africa – this does not represent a new emancipatory order, but an old order based on national interests and power. Moreover, it constitutes a clear and present danger to South Africa’s own national interests,” added Prof Solomon. 

Click to view documentAmbassador Sooklal’s paper can here.

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

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Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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