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01 March 2022 | Story JP Geldenhuys | Photo Supplied
JP Geldenhuys
JP Geldenhuys is a Lecturer in the Department of Economics and Finance, the University of the Free State.

Opinion article by JP Geldenhuys, Lecturer: Department of Economics and Finance, University of the Free State.
The 2022 Budget was delivered this week by Minister Enoch Godongwana against the backdrop of higher inflation, very high and increasing unemployment, increasing poverty and sustained low average annual GDP growth. Budget 2022 hits many of the right notes, particularly regarding the improved state of public finances, as well as the measures that were announced to stimulate economic growth and support ordinary people. However, many uncertainties and risks remain that endanger the outlook for both public finances and growth, many of which are beyond the control of government, such as the future course of the COVID-19 pandemic, geopolitical conflict, and the tightening of monetary policy around the world, but particularly in advanced economies, as a result of persistently high inflation. Other risks to the public finances, such as poorly performing state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and local governments, and high levels of corruption in the public sector, fall squarely within the control of government. But it is debatable whether a government that is losing popular support is willing to expend the political capital necessary to address these risks. 

Budget 2022 provides real (inflation-adjusted) tax relief to taxpayers, notably by adjusting income tax brackets for inflation. Additionally, there are no increases in the general fuel levy and the Road Accident Fund Levy (but there is a one cent per litre increase in the carbon tax). Social grant amounts also increase more or less in line with inflation, with the old age, disability, care dependency and war veterans grants increasing by R90 per month in April and a further R10 per month in October, while the child support and foster care grants increase by R20 per month in April. As announced by President Ramaphosa in the State of the Nation address, the social relief of distress grant was extended for another 12 months, with R44 billion being set aside. This means that National Treasury projects that almost 10.5 million people will receive the grant, valued at R350 per month, over the coming year. With the extension of the social relief of distress grant, more than 46% of South Africans now receive a social grant.  

The outlook for the deficit and government debt has improved notably since the 2021 Budget and 2021 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS). The consolidated budget deficit is projected to be 5.7% of GDP in 2021/22, before declining to 4.2% of GDP in 2024/25. Furthermore, the primary balance, which captures the difference between government revenue and non-interest spending by government, is projected to move from a deficit of 1.3% of GDP, to a surplus of 0.6% of GDP by 2024/25. This will be the first time that the primary balance will be in surplus since 2008/9. This development should be welcomed, because in countries like South Africa, where interest rates exceed growth rates, primary surpluses are necessary to ensure that the government debt-to-GDP ratio does not increase continuously. In other words, we need to run primary surpluses to ensure that fiscal policy is sustainable. The National Treasury is projecting that the government debt-to-GDP ratio will peak at 75% by the 2024/25 fiscal year, before decreasing gradually to 70% by 2029/30. The projected peak of the government debt ratio is lower than the peak of 78% projected in the MTBPS of October 2021, which in turn was much lower (following rebasing of GDP) than the peak of 89% projected in the 2021 Budget. 

The projected paths of the deficits and debt ratio should ease concerns by ratings agencies and institutions like the International Monetary Fund about the sustainability of South African fiscal policy, which, in turn, will put less upward pressure on the risk premium on South African government bonds. Lower interest rates on government bonds, due to lower risk premia, imply lower debt service costs, which will free up resources that the government can then allocate to spending on healthcare, education, infrastructure, and so on. This is extremely important, because debt service costs (interest payments) have grown very fast in the past few years, and are expected to grow by more than 10% per year on average over the next three years. These costs already constitute almost 14% of total government spending, and are equal to about 20% of total government revenues. 

Risks pertain to government revenue and expenditure

While these public finance developments must be welcomed, there are significant risks that threaten these outcomes. These risks pertain to government revenue and expenditure. The most notable of these risks, which are also discussed in the Budget Speech and Budget Review, are the following: 

● The poor financial performance and high debt levels of SOEs and local governments. As in the 2021 MTBPS, the Minister again stated that it is time for ‘tough love’ for poorly performing SOEs. The 2022 Budget Speech also echoes the 2021 MTBPS in calling for the rationalisation or consolidation of some SOEs, depending on a review of their financial sustainability and the value that they create for society. Whether government has the political will to refuse further bailouts to unsustainable SOEs, and whether it will follow through on its plans to rationalise and consolidate some of these enterprises, remains to be seen. 
● There are also significant downside risks to Treasury’s GDP growth projections, and therefore its revenue projections, due to uncertainties about the domestic electricity supply, geopolitical tensions, monetary policy tightening in advanced economies due to high inflation, and a possible slowdown in Chinese GDP growth. Treasury already revised its forecast of GDP growth for 2021 downwards to 4.8%, following substantial load shedding by Eskom in the second half of 2021, as well as the violence, destruction and looting that gripped large parts of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng in July last year. 
● Higher than expected commodity prices, and higher than expected tax collections, leading to another substantial revenue windfall, cannot be expected to last in the long term. 
● Given low projected growth, rates of unemployment and poverty cannot be expected to decrease substantially in the near future. These high rates of poverty and unemployment will intensify calls for a further extension of the social relief of distress grant, or, ultimately, the introduction of a basic income grant (BIG). These calls are understandable, because the unemployment rate has trended almost uniformly upward since 2009: the latest available official unemployment rate is almost 35%, the expanded unemployment rate, which includes discouraged workers, is more than 46%, while just more than one in every three working-age adults in South Africa is in paid employment. Furthermore, in his recent State of the Nation address, President Ramaphosa stated that “[i]f there is one thing we all agree on, it is that the present situation – of deep poverty, unemployment and inequality – is unacceptable and unsustainable”, thereby providing further impetus to the movement calling for the provision of income support for working-age people in South Africa. However, it should be noted that a 12-month extension of the social relief of distress grant will already add R44 billion to government spending. Further extensions of this grant, or the introduction of a BIG, will have to be funded by permanent tax increases (or cuts to other expenditure items), as alluded to in the Budget Speech (and as stated by Prof Michael Sachs of Wits University in a recent opinion piece on www.econ3x3.org). 
● Projected expenditure paths depend crucially on whether the government can get public servants to agree to very low increases in the overall public sector wage bill. A Public Sector Labour Summit, to be held at the end of March, will provide greater clarity on whether public sector unions will agree to the government's proposals. 
● Finally, global interest rates are likely to increase in the near future, to combat persistently high inflation, particularly in advanced economies. Increases in advanced economy interest rates will more than likely be associated with higher domestic interest rates, pushing up already high and fast-growing interest payments and debt service costs. 

GDP growth rate much too low to reduce rates of poverty and unemployment

The South African economy needs to grow much faster to combat unemployment and poverty. The Minister stated that “[o]nly through sustained economic growth can South Africa create enough jobs to reduce poverty and inequality; enabling us to reach our goal of a better life for all.”

Unfortunately, GDP growth is projected to average only 1.8% per annum over the next three years. This growth rate is much too low to reduce rates of poverty and unemployment, as Isaah Mhlanga shows in a recent opinion piece at www.econ3x3.org. Government acknowledges the need for much greater investment   public and private   to spur economic growth. In an effort to stimulate private investment spending, the corporate tax rate was reduced by one percentage point to 27%. Government also set aside more funds for substantial infrastructure investment, which will hopefully ‘crowd in’ private sector investment. The Budget also calls for increased and streamlined public-private partnerships (PPPs) to help finance infrastructure investment, in a nod to the funding constraints that government still faces due to high government debt levels and increasing debt service costs. Finally, the Budget also echoes calls in last year’s MTBPS, as well as the State of the Nation Address, to fast-track structural reforms to speed up economic growth, via the Economic Reconstruction and Recovery Programme. Questions remain about whether these reforms can be implemented soon, and whether these reforms, if implemented, will lead to a substantially higher growth path? National Treasury’s own medium-term growth projections cast doubt about how soon and how large it expects the effects of these reforms to be. 

All the right notes, but

This Budget Speech does hit many of the right notes about the need for fiscal sustainability, as well as the need for higher economic growth to alleviate poverty and unemployment. Particularly encouraging are the projected improvements in public finances, as a stable government debt-to-GDP ratio, and lower deficits, which will help to curtail the rapid growth of debt service costs, thereby allowing government to spend more on building and maintaining infrastructure, providing quality public services to South Africans and so on. However, the substantial government revenue windfall of the past few months has again allowed the government to avoid announcing its proposed permanent, explicit solutions to long-term threats to the public finances, such as which SOEs (that are not Eskom) will be targeted for rationalisation and consolidation. It is also concerning that, despite the supposed urgency and importance of curtailing the growth in the public sector wage bill, a summit with public sector employees and unions will only take place at the end of March, leaving great uncertainty about the ability of a government that is losing popular support to extract concessions from one of its largest constituencies.

News Archive

Artikel in Die Burger: Steeds is daar die kans vir heling deur Dr Franklin Sonn
2008-04-07

Steeds is daar die kans vir heling

Dr Franklin Sonn - Kanselier van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat en ’n oud-ambassadeur.


TOE gene-navorsers uiteindelik die menslike genoom georden het, is bevind dat menslike wesens inderdaad slegs in minder as 2 % onderling verskil en andersins ooreenstem.

Dít is die goeie nuus.

In die loop van die mens se ontwikkelingsgang en in die proses van ons sosiale organisering is godsdiens-, taal- en kultuurpatrone ontwikkel wat gelei het tot territorium-afbakening en volksvorming waaruit ’n hele geskiedenis van haat, nyd en bloedvergieting ontstaan het het wat ondanks die hoë peil van die beskawing wat die postmoderne mens bereik het, steeds voortwoed.

Dít is die slegte nuus.

Gebeure op die kampus van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) het ons op onnoemlik tragiese wyse herinner aan ons menslike mislukking dat ons – ondanks die oorheersende ooreenkomste tussen ons – ons liewer op grond van die bykans een persent onderlinge verskil vergrype pleeg wat selfs by diere ondenkbaar is. Dat dit boonop op die kampus van ’n universiteit gebeur, is des te ontstellender.

Dit strek ons universiteit egter tot eer dat die verwagte strafstappe onmiddellik gedoen is en dat geen poging aangewend is om selfverskonend verduidelikings te gee of die kombers oor die kop te trek nie.

IN ’n breër konteks wys prof. Hermann Giliomee tereg daarop dat die tydskrif The Economist ’n opname van Markinor gepubliseer het wat aantoon dat meerderhede in al die gemeenskappe te kenne gee dat rasseverhoudings sedert die koms van die demokrasie verbeter het.

Die afleiding daarvan is dat Suid-Afrika in al sy dimensies op die regte pad is en dat ons in die hoop op ’n beter toekoms vir ons almal voortleef. Die nasionale projek om godsdiens, taal en verskille te eerbiedig maar terselfdertyd ’n heterogene tapisserie van eenheid as nasie te bou is die meeste van ons se erns. Ondanks die terugslag is die universiteit verbind tot hierdie toekomsvisie van transformasie wat herhaaldelik leidinggewend deur die rektor, prof. Frederick Fourie, sowel as sy voorganger, prof. Stef Coetzee, uitgespel is.

Vir die UV gaan dit daarom om die pad van insluiting en eenheid diepgaande te bestuur sodat wit en swart die universiteit as tuiste vir almal sien en ervaar en om die idee van verdringing van een groep deur die ander te vermy of selfs te voorkom dat die toestand geskep word dat een groep in die proses op die vlug slaan. Ons is verbind tot die skepping van ’n nierassige universiteit en nie die toestand dat wittes buite woon en swartes binne of andersom nie.


Ons koester die begrip van medemenslikheid en agting vir ons almal se gelyke menswaardigheid op grond van ons oorheersende menslike ooreenkomste en gedeelde waardes. Ons staan rassisme teen, of dit nou van wit of van swart kom. Ons wil nie aan die eenkant versoening predik maar in waansinnige onderlinge verdeeldheid en agterdog voortleef nie. Almal moet die wonder beleef van die moontlikheid dat ons een kan wees.

Ons waardeer dit opreg dat daar van die kant van ons minister Naledi Pandor paslike veroordeling van die rassevoorval uitgespreek is, maar dat sy onmiddellik die fokus geplaas het op die geleenthede wat die geval vir al ons kampusse maar ook vir ons land bied.

Eweneens ervaar ons die reaksie van die rektore van nasionale universiteite as aandoenlik positief waar die vanselfsprekende veroordeling gepaardgegaan het met die oorheersende geneigdheid om as leiers van meer rassige kampusse intellektuele leiding te probeer gee in die bepaling van waar ons land staan in die hantering van rassisme, ons erfsonde.

Ons is maar alte bewus daarvan dat ons ongelukkige geskiedenis van kolonialisme en apartheid nog vars in die geheue is. In ons euforie oor die koms van die demokrasie, wat gegrond is op ons grondwetlike verklaring van ons eenheid, was ons nietemin miskien naïef om te dink dat ons in werklikheid nou een is. Dit was bloot die aanhef. Jody Kollapen van die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie het iets beet wanneer hy aanvoer dat ons wel versoening omhels het, maar naïef gedink het dat solank ons die konsep op ons lippe neem, dit alles sal regmaak. Ons stem saam dat daar inderdaad steeds baie werk te doen is.

Ons wil te maklik die omvang van die taak om ’n nierassige nasie te bou geringskat. Ons misken heel dikwels die inherente gebrek aan kapasiteit by mense om op hul Godgegewe ooreenkomste te fokus. Dit lyk asof mense veel meer geneig is om verskille, gewaand of eg, te beklemtoon. Dit is ’n deel van ons menslikheid. Daar is ’n ontstentenis van leiding van byvoorbeeld ons kerk. Die kerk verkondig met heilige preweling ons eenheid in Christus, maar verdedig onmiddellik daarna dawerend verdeeldheid in die kerk. Ons pas regstelling in die werkplek toe sonder om werklik aandag te gee aan en bronne beskikbaar te stel vir die hantering van geregverdigde swart woede en sonder om begryplike aanmatiging en meerderwaardigheid te versoen met ewe begryplike wit verydeling en vervreemding.

Ons ag diversiteit as ’n gegewe sonder om genoegsame werk daarvan te maak om die rykheid van ons heterogeniteit in te bou in die nierassige eenheidstaat wat ons voorsien. Ons begaan ook die fout om die erfsonde van rassisme as net ’n Suid-Afrikaanse fenomeen te eien en is geskok as ons opmerk hoe diep die kloof tussen groepe in Amerika steeds lê.

SENATOR BARACK OBAMA se toespraak in Philadelphia spreek tot die hart van die kwessie oor hoe moeilik dit is om medemenslik te wees en hoe ons sukkel om ons in ander skoene te plaas en so eenheid te bou.

Ons vergeet so maklik dat ons versugting na vrede nêrens sal kom as ons nie die aandrang verstaan dat niemand gevra word om af te skuif nie, maar dat mense bloot gevra word om op te skuif sodat almal sitplek kan kry sodat ons sodoende mekaar se menswaardigheid kan voel en verstaan. Ons almal het gelyke aanspraak op Suid-Afrikanerskap. Niemand het die reg om meerderwaardig te voel nie. Ons mag ook nie ruimte skenk aan die geboorte of oplewing van ’n nuwe veronderstelling dat gemeensaamheid gebou kan word deur rassevernedering aan die een kant en rassevergelding aan die ander kant nie. Ons in Suid-Afrika het ’n hoë prys betaal vir die beoefening asook die verdraagsaamheid. Ons moet enige vorm van rassehegemonie teenstaan.

Hoe erg die provokasie ook al by swart mense kan wees wanneer ons rassevergelding soek, ons mag dit nooit weer verdra nie. Aan die ander kant is dit ewe gevaarlik dat ons nasionale geesdrif vir vergifnis en versoening deur wit mense geag word as ’n geleentheid om terug te val in gemaksones van meerderwaardigheid en toe-eiening Ons is dit aan ons toekoms verskuldig om hierdie tendense onmiddellik raak te sien en te besweer. Dit verg dapper leierskap. Ons universiteit het rede om trots te wees op ons prestasies om groter oopheid en toeganklikheid te skep. Die afgelope 5 jaar het ons 61 studente uit lande soos die Soedan, Ethiopië, Kameroen, Botswana en Lesotho gedoktoreer. Boonop het 6 studente uit lande soos Korea en Indië by ons doktorsgrade verwerf en 11 uit lande soos Amerika en Duitsland. Dit is ons trots.

Ons aan die UV is dit aan ons land maar ook aan onsself verskuldig om nederig te bly en, waar nodig, ons hand diep in eie boesem te steek, maar terselfdertyd te beklemtoon dat ons nie gedefinieer wil word deur insidentele vergrype van ’n klein groep misleide studente nie – hoe erg hul optrede ook al is. Ons reken daarmee af, maar ons wil graag onsself erken as deelgenote aan die erfenis van die nasionale sonde van rassisme, maar ’n universiteit wat transformasie aktief nastreef. Ons is trots op ons oopheid en wat daaruit voortspruit. Op die oomblik is ons onsosiale tradisie van herkoms Afrikaans en Sotho en is ons daarop ingestel om, waar doenlik en waar dit vereis word, Engels as internasionale taal in te bou in ons pogings om mekaar te vind eerder om ons trotse kultuur tradisies te vergeet.

DIE raad, die senaat, die rektor, die personeel van die universiteit wil saam met studente en werkers opnuut geleenthede soek om in gesprek met mekaar te bly. Ons wil saam opgewonde bly oor die moontlikheid van heling, groei en transformasie wat die onlangse insident vir ons geskep het.

Artikel in Die Burger, Saterdag 22 Maart 2008

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