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24 March 2022 | Story Portia Arodi | Photo Supplied
Portia Arodi
Portia Arodi, Interdisciplinary Master’s in Human Rights, Free State Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law

Opinion article by Portia Arodi, Interdisciplinary Master’s in Human Rights, Class of 2022 Free State Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State.
Human Rights Day means different things to different people. For some people, Human Rights Day means commemorating the day of the 1960 massacre when 69 people were shot and killed by police in Sharpeville.   In my opinion, Human Rights Day not only symbolises the historical events that occurred in 1960, but it also provides evidence of the inequalities that currently exist in South Africa.   The labour market in South Africa is still racialised and gender biased. The black majority in the labour market earns way less than their white counterparts, even though both are immersed in the same working conditions. According to Statistics South Africa (2015), the differences in the income of South Africans remain heavily racialised. Furthermore, since 1994, bridging the gap between gender and race continues to be a struggle. On the other hand, black women experience the same inequalities as their male counterparts. The difference is that black females are subject to double discrimination, based not only on their race, but on their gender as well. Despite occupying the same positions as males and assuming similar duties and workload, their salaries remain low. 
  
Human rights in an unequal society

On the other hand, for some categories of people – namely the elite and those in power – Human Rights Day amounts to a democratic South Africa, a country where the constitution is the supreme law of the land and where everyone (without exception) enjoys freedom and human rights. For this particular section of the ruling class and elite, Human Rights Day attests to the effective transition from the apartheid era to a democratic society characterised by freedom, equality, and dignity for all.

For those who lack access to basic needs such as water, food, shelter, health care, electricity, and sanitation, their perception of Human Rights Day may be very different, as they live in poverty with no promising future prospects.  In fact, for the larger section of the population, democratic South Africa is nothing but a burden that does not have much to offer.  Indeed, how to explain that in 2022, the black majority still relies on the bucket system for sanitation; how to understand that to date, they still survive in squatter camps and go through days and nights on an empty stomach? 

It is my contention that the celebration of Human Rights Day has failed to consider a holistic approach to highlighting and raising awareness on critical issues, including poverty and inequality. The realisation of socio-economic rights by authorities exists only on paper but is yet to be done effectively. The provision of service delivery, health-care services, infrastructure, the right to food, education, and other basic needs remains characteristic of modern South African society. From this perspective, it means that we are celebrating one part while neglecting the other.

Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are still children studying under trees?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are children going to school without food?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are children who are not able to go to school or receive basic education?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when racism is still occurring in our schools and workplaces?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when children are being raped by their teachers at school?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when some universities are still using Afrikaans as their primary language?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when our students are being deprived of education due to the mandatory vaccination policy?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when white privilege still exists among university students?

Is Human Rights Day still worth commemorating?

What are we celebrating on Human Rights Day?  Are we celebrating the achievements of the minority population? Are we celebrating the few changes that have occurred since the advent of a democratic South Africa? Are we celebrating the Fees Must Fall movement that occurred in a contest where some students who were fighting for free education were arrested, shot, and even killed? Are we simply referring to what occurred in 1960? Why are we not celebrating the Fees Must Fall movement? Why are we not celebrating the Rhodes Must Fall movement? Why are we not celebrating the Steyn Must Fall movement? 

On 21 March 2022:

We need to celebrate the Fees Must Fall movement.  
We need to celebrate the Rhodes Must Fall movement.
We need to celebrate the Steyn Must Fall movement.
We need to fight for the voiceless. 
We need to get commitment from government to abolish the use of the bucket system.
We need to get a commitment from government to build more schools, hospitals, shelters, roads, and other infrastructure.
We need to get commitment from government to hire more teachers. 
We need to get commitment from government on protection against racism that occurs in schools and universities. 

We need to get commitment from government regarding the abolition of the mandatory vaccination policies at universities.

On Human Rights Day, let us evaluate whether the Constitution of South Africa is protecting and safeguarding the rights of all human beings, irrespective of their gender, race, ethnic group, socio-economic status … etc.  Is this the democratic South Africa we would want our children and great-grandchildren to have in 50 years? If not, then we have a responsibility to find better ways in which the Constitution of South Africa functions as intended. 

News Archive

DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture reflects on the role of Afrikaans
2012-06-07

 
At the DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture, from the left: Prof. Hennie van Coller, Head of the Department of Afrikaans and Dutch, German and French; Prof. Teuns Verschoor, Vice-Rector: Institutional Affairs; Prof. Wannie Carstens; and Prof. Lucius Botes, Dean of the Faculty of the Humanities.
Photo: Stephen Collett
07 June 2012

 

  • Lecture (pdf format - only available in afrikaans)

Does Afrikaans have a future in South Africa? How will the language become a truly transformed language of the new South Africa given the baggage of the image as the language of the oppressor? Will Afrikaans eventually die out?

These were the questions asked by Prof. Wannie Carstens, Director of the School of Languages at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, when he recently delivered the 31st DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture at the Bloemfontein Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS).
 
Prof. Carstens, also the former Chairperson of the Afrikaans Language Board, wanted to know whether reconciliation in Afrikaans is feasible, referring to the history of Afrikaans in South African politics. In a reference to the 1976 Soweto riots, he said a language could not be blamed for the mistakes of some of its speakers.
 
"The time is probably ripe to put this past behind us so that we can go on to reflect on Afrikaans, and in particular, the role of the Afrikaans speaker in the South Africa of 2012, and on the Afrikaans of 2060."
 
According to Prof. Carstens, an important condition for the reconciliation process of Afrikaans is to depoliticise the language. He referred to work that is being done by the Afrikaans Language Board and asked that everyone contribute to healing the Afrikaans language community.
 
"Let work together on a voice that can claim that it speaks on behalf of Afrikaans, and that might be able to contribute in the interest of Afrikaans to a truly transformed Afrikaans, or rather an inclusive Afrikaans that provides for all its speakers. When we are able to say that all Afrikaans voices are represented, only then can we truly talk of a transformed Afrikaans community."

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