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24 March 2022 | Story Portia Arodi | Photo Supplied
Portia Arodi
Portia Arodi, Interdisciplinary Master’s in Human Rights, Free State Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law

Opinion article by Portia Arodi, Interdisciplinary Master’s in Human Rights, Class of 2022 Free State Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of the Free State.
Human Rights Day means different things to different people. For some people, Human Rights Day means commemorating the day of the 1960 massacre when 69 people were shot and killed by police in Sharpeville.   In my opinion, Human Rights Day not only symbolises the historical events that occurred in 1960, but it also provides evidence of the inequalities that currently exist in South Africa.   The labour market in South Africa is still racialised and gender biased. The black majority in the labour market earns way less than their white counterparts, even though both are immersed in the same working conditions. According to Statistics South Africa (2015), the differences in the income of South Africans remain heavily racialised. Furthermore, since 1994, bridging the gap between gender and race continues to be a struggle. On the other hand, black women experience the same inequalities as their male counterparts. The difference is that black females are subject to double discrimination, based not only on their race, but on their gender as well. Despite occupying the same positions as males and assuming similar duties and workload, their salaries remain low. 
  
Human rights in an unequal society

On the other hand, for some categories of people – namely the elite and those in power – Human Rights Day amounts to a democratic South Africa, a country where the constitution is the supreme law of the land and where everyone (without exception) enjoys freedom and human rights. For this particular section of the ruling class and elite, Human Rights Day attests to the effective transition from the apartheid era to a democratic society characterised by freedom, equality, and dignity for all.

For those who lack access to basic needs such as water, food, shelter, health care, electricity, and sanitation, their perception of Human Rights Day may be very different, as they live in poverty with no promising future prospects.  In fact, for the larger section of the population, democratic South Africa is nothing but a burden that does not have much to offer.  Indeed, how to explain that in 2022, the black majority still relies on the bucket system for sanitation; how to understand that to date, they still survive in squatter camps and go through days and nights on an empty stomach? 

It is my contention that the celebration of Human Rights Day has failed to consider a holistic approach to highlighting and raising awareness on critical issues, including poverty and inequality. The realisation of socio-economic rights by authorities exists only on paper but is yet to be done effectively. The provision of service delivery, health-care services, infrastructure, the right to food, education, and other basic needs remains characteristic of modern South African society. From this perspective, it means that we are celebrating one part while neglecting the other.

Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are still children studying under trees?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are children going to school without food?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when there are children who are not able to go to school or receive basic education?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when racism is still occurring in our schools and workplaces?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when children are being raped by their teachers at school?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when some universities are still using Afrikaans as their primary language?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when our students are being deprived of education due to the mandatory vaccination policy?
Would it be fair to celebrate Human Rights Day when white privilege still exists among university students?

Is Human Rights Day still worth commemorating?

What are we celebrating on Human Rights Day?  Are we celebrating the achievements of the minority population? Are we celebrating the few changes that have occurred since the advent of a democratic South Africa? Are we celebrating the Fees Must Fall movement that occurred in a contest where some students who were fighting for free education were arrested, shot, and even killed? Are we simply referring to what occurred in 1960? Why are we not celebrating the Fees Must Fall movement? Why are we not celebrating the Rhodes Must Fall movement? Why are we not celebrating the Steyn Must Fall movement? 

On 21 March 2022:

We need to celebrate the Fees Must Fall movement.  
We need to celebrate the Rhodes Must Fall movement.
We need to celebrate the Steyn Must Fall movement.
We need to fight for the voiceless. 
We need to get commitment from government to abolish the use of the bucket system.
We need to get a commitment from government to build more schools, hospitals, shelters, roads, and other infrastructure.
We need to get commitment from government to hire more teachers. 
We need to get commitment from government on protection against racism that occurs in schools and universities. 

We need to get commitment from government regarding the abolition of the mandatory vaccination policies at universities.

On Human Rights Day, let us evaluate whether the Constitution of South Africa is protecting and safeguarding the rights of all human beings, irrespective of their gender, race, ethnic group, socio-economic status … etc.  Is this the democratic South Africa we would want our children and great-grandchildren to have in 50 years? If not, then we have a responsibility to find better ways in which the Constitution of South Africa functions as intended. 

News Archive

SRC and student parliament elections declared free and fair
2004-08-17

The Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA) has certified the University of the Free State ’s (UFS) election process today ( Friday 13 August 2004 ) and declared it free and fair.

The process to elect a Student Representative Council (SRC) and Student Parliament started on 2 August 2004 and ended today with the announcement of the results.

“No objections regarding the voting process were received and the preliminary results were announced last night. A total of 2192 votes were cast, while 416 votes were spoilt,” said Mr Seth Phamuli, Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of EISA.

Mr Alfred Geldenhuys, third year student in B Com Human Resource Management, was declared the SRC President for 2004/2005. Mr Geldenhuys was SRC representative for Campus Matters in 2003/2004.

The other members of the SRC are:

Vice-President: Annelise de Kock (fourth year student in B Sc Dietetics)

Secretary: Michelle du Plessis (third year student in B Sc)

Treasurer: Dida Coetzer (third year student in B Rek)

Academics: Cherese Laubscher (third year student in MB Ch B)

Ladies Internal Liaison: Tanya de Jager (third year student in B Ed Intermediary Phase)

Men’s Internal Liaison: Stef Conradie (third year student in BA Human Movement Science)

Transformation: Clayton van der Ross (second year student in B Com Human Resources Management)

Arts and Culture: AC Geldenhuys (second year student in B Acc)

Recreation and Internal

Affairs: Khotso Motloung (third year student in B Com Accounting)

Campus Services: Sylvanus Watson (fourth year student in B Sc Agric)

Constitutional and

Legal Affairs: Lerato Mofoti (fourth year student in LLB)

Dialogue and

Associations: Owen Kumalo (third year student in B Com Sport Management)

Kovscom: Estel Scheepers (third year student in BA Integrated Marketing)

Sport: Graeme Bradley (second year student in B Com Human Resources Management)

Student Development: Werner du Preez (third year student in B Com Economics)

Irawa: Jeanri-Tine van Zyl (second year student in BA Media Studies)

In the Student Parliament the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the Kovsie Alliance were each granted seven seats, whilst the Here XVII was granted 11 seats.

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