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26 October 2022 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Supplied
Dr Carol Chi Ngang
Dr Carol Chi Ngang, a category C2-rated researcher and research fellow in the UFS Free State Centre for Human Rights, has been appointed as the UNDP Human Rights Research Chair at the National University of Lesotho, where he is currently affiliated.


A National Research Foundation category C2-rated researcher and research fellow in the Free State Centre for Human Rights at the University of the Free State (UFS), Dr Carol Chi Ngang, has been appointed as United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Rights Research Chair at the National University of Lesotho, where he is currently affiliated. 

According to Dr Ngang, the Human Rights Chair was established with the broad mandate to undertake and promote cutting-edge policy research, curriculum development, and community engagement. He says the chair is envisaged to generate a steady stream of research outputs on various aspects of human rights in Lesotho, and most importantly, to explore the human rights components of the Sustainable Development Goals.

For establishing the Human Rights Chair and funding its programme activities, Dr Ngang expresses his gratitude to the United Nations Tripartite Partnership (UNTPP), the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Lesotho.

Knowledge-based foundation for a human rights culture

Dr Ngang states that the establishment of the UNDP Human Rights Chair in the Faculty of Law at the National University of Lesotho is not only timely, but also indispensable in the sense that it provides the opportunity to lay a solid knowledge-based foundation for a human rights culture in Lesotho to respond to and seek to redress the exigencies and the lived experiences of the Basotho. 

“With the country’s political landscape characterised for the last decades by, among others, a distressed economy, shaky coalition governments, and instability, Lesotho’s human rights record is not an impressive one.”

Dr Ngang elaborates, “In spite of a cabinet decision taken as far back as 1995 and the adoption of the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution Act in 2011 – with explicit provision for the establishment of the Lesotho Human Rights Commission – 27 years down the line the august institution, which is supposed to oversee the promotion and protection of human rights in Lesotho, is yet to see the light of day. Lesotho remains one of the few countries in Africa and around the world that is yet to put in place a human rights commission to ensure protection of the vulnerable population, of which the constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights are threatened on a daily basis.”

According to him, one of the most pressing issues in the human rights field currently, is the establishment of the Lesotho Human Rights Commission. “It is a central concern not only for our funders and the Ministry of Law and Justice and the many other active forces that have invested time and resources in the process, but importantly, also for the Lesotho society at large,” he states.

“Without the commission, the vulnerability of the population is multiplied.”

Effecting real transformation in the human rights situation in Lesotho

Dr Ngang says in the absence of a human rights commission, besides focusing on research and the dissemination of knowledge, the Human Rights Chair will additionally cover gaps in the areas of advocacy, amicus curiae interventions, and public interest litigation in human rights matters before the courts.

“It is our anticipation that the research outputs generated by the Human Rights Chair will be utilised productively, including by Lesotho-based civil society organisations, to inform policy advocacy and most essentially, leverage policy formulation, decision making, and resource allocation for the realisation of human rights in the country.”

Dr Ngang also foresees that it will shape the direction of governance and governmental actions in meeting the global Sustainable Development Goal targets, as well as the strategic objective of national transformation as outlined in the Lesotho National Strategic Development Plan II. 

The Human Rights Chair, he says, has established working relations with the Ministry of Law and Justice, as well as a collaborative partnership with the Lesotho NGO sector, and envisages doing so with the private sector and other major stakeholders. “These strategic alliances are intended to ensure that knowledge generated by the chair through research is utilised by the relevant stakeholders to effect real transformation as far as the human rights situation in Lesotho is concerned.”

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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