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06 December 2023 | Story Hlumelo Xaba | Photo SUPPLIED
Hlumelo Xaba
Hlumelo Xaba is an intern in the Department of Student Affairs at the University of the Free State (UFS). He holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022.

Opinion article by Hlumelo Xaba, Intern in the Department of Student Affairs, University of the Free State (UFS)

The 2016 South African local government elections heralded the ushering in of a new dimension in the country’s political landscape with regard to constituting governments at local level. For the first time since the inaugural democratic elections of 1994, the governing ANC experienced significant electoral declines, which resulted in the party plummeting below the 50% + 1 prerequisite needed to remain the majority party in various municipalities. 

This loss of support meant the ANC would have to leverage the help of those that would be willing to co-govern with them in various hung councils. At the same time, however, the decline of the ruling party galvanised opposition parties to organise themselves into coalition pacts that would push the ANC into a peripheral position in the local government sphere. Although most of these coalitions have been unstable, the growing likelihood that such arrangements will become part of South Africa’s politics beyond local government necessitates long-term interventions to counter the current political predicaments.

The outcomes of the 2021 local government elections saw the acceleration of the need for coalitions in some local government councils, with a total of 67 hung municipalities across the nine provinces, more than double the number from the 2016 local elections. eThekwini became the new addition to the list of hung metros, even though the ANC managed to retain its governing position through an arrangement with smaller parties. 

Solutions to ever-changing dilemmas

When a certain level of dissatisfaction or disagreement among role-players in a coalition is reached, that partnership is likely to deteriorate, and a new one becomes more likely to be established, based on a new set of preferences and objectives. This has proven to be the case in hung municipal councils including the City of Johannesburg, City of Ekurhuleni, and Nelson Mandela Bay, where DA-led coalitions were replaced by ANC-EFF partnerships that opted for councillors from minority parties to be at the helm as Executive Mayors, while the bigger parties occupy MMC positions, even though it is disputable that these coalitions are premised on common interests aimed at catering for the greater good, rather than serving political agendas and self-interest. 

The climate in South Africa’s local government sphere over the past seven years is a precursor to what the broader citizenry can expect in other spheres of government moving forward, because of the ruling party’s deterioration. With no opposition party being able to make the necessary strides and unseat the ANC on its own, governance of some provincial legislatures – and possibly at national level – after the upcoming 2024 general elections seems likely to require new political formations that demand coalitions. 

Earlier this year, Deputy President Paul Mashatile convened a National Dialogue on Coalition Governments. The dialogue was aimed at responding to the challenges coalitions have faced in the local sphere by formulating a framework that includes a set of principles that will make coalitions function for the greater good in the future. Some of the principles guiding the proposed framework included the following: putting people first in considerations around the formation of coalition governments; such coalition governments must contribute towards building a prosperous society in which people have access to land for productive purposes; and parties to such governments must be bound together by a commitment to good governance and no tolerance for corruption. 

Although a framework of this nature might help in changing the current chaotic status quo, the top-down approach so far used in drafting such an agreement is exclusionary to the electorate. In fact, it may not be reflective of the aspirations and actual needs of the people which it is meant to represent.

Reflect on coalitions and their ramifications 

As the country gears up for the 2024 general elections, political leaders should reflect on coalitions and the ramifications thereof in instances where there was instability for various reasons. The primary focus of coalitions should be on common objectives that will seek to combat socioeconomic ills that citizens face (including poverty, unemployment, crime, and basic service delivery), as well as maintaining stability through good ethical governance that will effectively respond to these challenges. The instability of coalitions across the local government sphere, which has resulted in seemingly insurmountable service-delivery shortfalls due to constant administrative changes, should be seen as a summary of what transpires when there’s a great deal of political interferences in the administrative functions of governments, whether local, provincial, or national.

Although the policies and societal outlook of different political formations are influenced by the ideologies that a party aligns itself to, politicians should be cognisant of the reality that no party can dictate or impose its views on how a coalition should function without considering the inputs of other role-players. Instead, political leaders need to accustom themselves to a culture of maintaining a balance between their own values whilst working with other parties towards common goals that will improve the livelihood of all citizens. This should be done with the aim of ensuring stability in all facets of government, and promoting accountability across all spectrums.

  • Xaba holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022. He writes in his personal capacity.

News Archive

SA universities are becoming the battlegrounds for political gain
2010-11-02

Prof. Kalie Strydom.

No worthwhile contribution can be made to higher education excellence if you do not understand and acknowledge the devastating, but unfortunately unavoidable role of party politics in the system and universities of higher education and training (HET).

This statement was made by Prof. Kalie Strydom during his valedictory lecture made on the Main Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS) in Bloemfontein recently.

Prof. Strydom, who was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the UFS in 2010, presented a lecture on the theme: The Long Walk to Higher Education and Training Excellence: The Struggle of Comrades and Racists. He provided perspectives on politics in higher education and training (HET) and shared different examples explaining the meaning of excellence in HET in relation to politics.

“At the HET systems level I was fortunate to participate in the deliberations in the early nineties to prepare policy perspectives that could be used by the ANC in HET policy making after the 1994 elections.  At these deliberations one of the important issues discussed was the typical educational and training pyramid recognised in many countries, to establish and maintain successful education and training. The educational pyramid in successful countries was compared to the SA “inverted” pyramid that had already originated during apartheid for all races, but unfortunately exploded during the 16 years of democracy to a dangerous situation of 3 million out-of school and post-school youth with very few education and training opportunities,” he said.

In his lecture, Prof. Strydom answered questions like: Why could we as higher educationists not persuade the new democratically elected government to create a successful education and training pyramid with a strong intermediate college sector in the nineties?  What was the politics like in the early and late nineties about disallowing the acceptance of the successful pyramid of education and training?  Why do we only now in the latest DHET strategic planning 2010–2015 have this successful pyramid as a basis for policymaking and planning?

At an institutional level he explained the role of politics by referring to the Reitz incident at the UFS and the infamous Soudien report on racism in higher education in South Africa highlighting explosive racial situations in our universities and the country.  “To understand this situation we need to acknowledge that we are battling with complex biases influencing the racial situation,” he said.

“White and black, staff and students at our universities are constantly battling with the legacy of the past which is being used, abused and conveniently forgotten, as well as critical events that white and black experience every day of their lives, feeding polarisation of extreme views while eroding common ground.  Examples vary from the indoctrination and prejudice that is continued within most homes, churches and schools; mass media full of murder, rape, corruption; political parties skewing difficult issues for indiscrete political gain; to frustrating non-delivery in almost all spheres of life which frustrates and irritates everyone, all feeding racial stereo typing and prejudice,” said Prof. Strydom.

A South African philosopher, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse, recently used the metaphor of an “Elephant in our lounge” to describe the syndrome of racism that is part of the lives of white and black South Africans in very different ways. He indicated that all of us are aware of the elephant, but we choose not to talk about it, an attitude described by Ruth Frankenberg as ‘colour evasiveness’, which denies the nature and scope of the problem.

Constructs related to race are so contentious that most stakeholders and role-players are unwilling to confront the meanings that they assign to very prominent dimensions of their experience; neither does management at the institutions have enough staff (higher educationists?) with the competencies to interrogate these meanings, or generate shared meanings amongst staff and students (common ground).  A good example that could be compared with “the elephant in our lounge” remark is the recent paper of Prof. Jonathan Jansen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS on race categorisation in education and training.

According to Prof. Strydom, universities in South Africa are increasingly becoming the battlegrounds for political gain which creates a polarised atmosphere on campuses and crowds out the moderate middle ground, thereby subverting the role and function of the university as an institution within a specific context, interpreted globally and locally. 

Striving for excellence, mostly free from the negative influences of politics, in HET, from the point of view of the higher educationist, is that we should, through comparative literature review and research, re-conceptualise the university as an institution in a specific context.  This entails carefully considering environment and the positioning of the university leading to a specific institutional culture and recognising the fact that institutional cultures are complicated by many subcultures in academe (faculties) and student life (residences/new generations of commuter students).

Another way forward in striving for excellence, mostly free from politics, is to ensure that we understand the complexities of governing a university better.  D.W. Leslie (2003) mentions formidable tasks related to governance influenced by politics:

  • Balancing legitimacy and effectiveness.
  • Leading along two dimensions: getting work done and engaging people.
  • Differentiating between formal university structures and the functions of universities as they adapt and evolve.
  • Bridging the divergence between cultural and operational imperatives of the bureaucratic and professional sides of the university.

Prof. Strydom concluded by stating that it is possible to continue with an almost never ending list of important themes in HE studies adding perspectives on why it is so easy to misuse universities for politics instead of recognising our responsibility to carefully consider contributions to transformation in such an immensely complicated institution as the university within a higher education and training system. 

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication (acting)
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl@ufs.ac.za
29 October 2010

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