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06 December 2023 | Story Hlumelo Xaba | Photo SUPPLIED
Hlumelo Xaba
Hlumelo Xaba is an intern in the Department of Student Affairs at the University of the Free State (UFS). He holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022.

Opinion article by Hlumelo Xaba, Intern in the Department of Student Affairs, University of the Free State (UFS)

The 2016 South African local government elections heralded the ushering in of a new dimension in the country’s political landscape with regard to constituting governments at local level. For the first time since the inaugural democratic elections of 1994, the governing ANC experienced significant electoral declines, which resulted in the party plummeting below the 50% + 1 prerequisite needed to remain the majority party in various municipalities. 

This loss of support meant the ANC would have to leverage the help of those that would be willing to co-govern with them in various hung councils. At the same time, however, the decline of the ruling party galvanised opposition parties to organise themselves into coalition pacts that would push the ANC into a peripheral position in the local government sphere. Although most of these coalitions have been unstable, the growing likelihood that such arrangements will become part of South Africa’s politics beyond local government necessitates long-term interventions to counter the current political predicaments.

The outcomes of the 2021 local government elections saw the acceleration of the need for coalitions in some local government councils, with a total of 67 hung municipalities across the nine provinces, more than double the number from the 2016 local elections. eThekwini became the new addition to the list of hung metros, even though the ANC managed to retain its governing position through an arrangement with smaller parties. 

Solutions to ever-changing dilemmas

When a certain level of dissatisfaction or disagreement among role-players in a coalition is reached, that partnership is likely to deteriorate, and a new one becomes more likely to be established, based on a new set of preferences and objectives. This has proven to be the case in hung municipal councils including the City of Johannesburg, City of Ekurhuleni, and Nelson Mandela Bay, where DA-led coalitions were replaced by ANC-EFF partnerships that opted for councillors from minority parties to be at the helm as Executive Mayors, while the bigger parties occupy MMC positions, even though it is disputable that these coalitions are premised on common interests aimed at catering for the greater good, rather than serving political agendas and self-interest. 

The climate in South Africa’s local government sphere over the past seven years is a precursor to what the broader citizenry can expect in other spheres of government moving forward, because of the ruling party’s deterioration. With no opposition party being able to make the necessary strides and unseat the ANC on its own, governance of some provincial legislatures – and possibly at national level – after the upcoming 2024 general elections seems likely to require new political formations that demand coalitions. 

Earlier this year, Deputy President Paul Mashatile convened a National Dialogue on Coalition Governments. The dialogue was aimed at responding to the challenges coalitions have faced in the local sphere by formulating a framework that includes a set of principles that will make coalitions function for the greater good in the future. Some of the principles guiding the proposed framework included the following: putting people first in considerations around the formation of coalition governments; such coalition governments must contribute towards building a prosperous society in which people have access to land for productive purposes; and parties to such governments must be bound together by a commitment to good governance and no tolerance for corruption. 

Although a framework of this nature might help in changing the current chaotic status quo, the top-down approach so far used in drafting such an agreement is exclusionary to the electorate. In fact, it may not be reflective of the aspirations and actual needs of the people which it is meant to represent.

Reflect on coalitions and their ramifications 

As the country gears up for the 2024 general elections, political leaders should reflect on coalitions and the ramifications thereof in instances where there was instability for various reasons. The primary focus of coalitions should be on common objectives that will seek to combat socioeconomic ills that citizens face (including poverty, unemployment, crime, and basic service delivery), as well as maintaining stability through good ethical governance that will effectively respond to these challenges. The instability of coalitions across the local government sphere, which has resulted in seemingly insurmountable service-delivery shortfalls due to constant administrative changes, should be seen as a summary of what transpires when there’s a great deal of political interferences in the administrative functions of governments, whether local, provincial, or national.

Although the policies and societal outlook of different political formations are influenced by the ideologies that a party aligns itself to, politicians should be cognisant of the reality that no party can dictate or impose its views on how a coalition should function without considering the inputs of other role-players. Instead, political leaders need to accustom themselves to a culture of maintaining a balance between their own values whilst working with other parties towards common goals that will improve the livelihood of all citizens. This should be done with the aim of ensuring stability in all facets of government, and promoting accountability across all spectrums.

  • Xaba holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022. He writes in his personal capacity.

News Archive

Gender bias still rife in African Universities
2007-08-03

 

 At the lecture were, from the left: Prof. Magda Fourie (Vice-Rector: Academic Planning), Prof. Amina Mama (Chair: Gender Studies, University of Cape Town), Prof. Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Humanties) and Prof. Letticia Moja (Dean: Faculty of Health Sciences).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Gender bias still rife in African Universities

Women constitute about 30% of student enrolment in African universities, and only about 6% of African professors are women. This is according to the chairperson of Gender Studies at the University of Cape Town, Prof Amina Mama.

Prof Mama was delivering a lecture on the topic “Rethinking African Universities” as part of Women’s Day celebrations at the University of the Free State (UFS) today.

She says the gender profile suggests that the majority of the women who work in African universities are not academics and researchers, but rather the providers of secretarial, cleaning, catering, student welfare and other administrative and support services.

She said that African universities continue to display profound gender bias in their students and staffing profiles and, more significantly, are deeply inequitable in their institutional and intellectual cultures. She said women find it difficult to succeed at universities as they are imbued with patriarchal values and assumptions that affect all aspects of life and learning.

She said that even though African universities have never excluded women, enrolling them presents only the first hurdle in a much longer process.

“The research evidence suggests that once women have found their way into the universities, then gender differentiations continue to arise and to affect the experience and performance of women students in numerous ways. Even within single institutions disparities manifest across the levels of the hierarchy, within and across faculties and disciplines, within and between academic and administrative roles, across generations, and vary with class and social background, marital status, parental status, and probably many more factors besides these”, she said.

She lamented the fact that there is no field of study free of gender inequalities, particularly at postgraduate levels and in the higher ranks of academics. “Although more women study the arts, social sciences and humanities, few make it to professor and their research and creative output remains less”, she said.

Prof Mama said gender gaps as far as employment of women within African universities is concerned are generally wider than in student enrolment. She said although many women are employed in junior administrative and support capacities, there continues to be gross under-representation of women among senior administrative and academic staff. She said this disparity becomes more pronounced as one moves up the ranks.

“South African universities are ahead, but they are not as radically different as their policy rhetoric might suggest. A decade and a half after the end of apartheid only three of the 23 vice-chancellors in the country are women, and women fill fewer than 30% of the senior positions (Deans, Executive Directors and Deputy Vice-Chancellors)”, she said.

She made an observation that highly qualified women accept administrative positions as opposed to academic work, thus ensuring that men continue to dominate the ranks of those defined as ‘great thinkers’ or ‘accomplished researchers’.

“Perhaps women simply make realistic career choices, opting out of academic competition with male colleagues who they can easily perceive to be systematically advantaged, not only within the institution, but also on the personal and domestic fronts, which still see most African women holding the baby, literally and figuratively”, she said

She also touched on sexual harassment and abuse which she said appears to be a commonplace on African campuses. “In contexts where sexual transactions are a pervasive feature of academic life, women who do succeed are unlikely to be perceived as having done so on the basis of merit or hard work, and may be treated with derision and disbelief”, she said.

She, however, said in spite of broader patterns of gender and class inequality in universities, public higher education remains a main route to career advancement and mobility for women in Africa.

“Women’s constrained access has therefore posed a constraint to their pursuit of more equitable and just modes of political, economic and social development, not to mention freedom from direct oppression”, she said.

Prof Mama concluded by saying, “There is a widely held agreement that there is a need to rethink our universities and to ensure that they are transformed into institutions more compatible with the democratic and social justice agendas that are now leading Africa beyond the legacies of dictatorship, conflict and economic crisis, beyond the deep social divisions and inequalities that have characterised our history”.

She said rethinking universities means asking deeper questions about gender relations within them, and taking concerted and effective action to transform these privileged bastions of higher learning so that they can fulfil their pubic mandate and promise instead of lagging behind our steadily improving laws and policies.

Media Release
Issued by: Mangaliso Radebe
Assistant Director: Media Liaison
Tel: 051 401 2828
Cell: 078 460 3320
E-mail: radebemt.stg@ufs.ac.za  
02 August 2007
 

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