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06 December 2023 | Story Hlumelo Xaba | Photo SUPPLIED
Hlumelo Xaba
Hlumelo Xaba is an intern in the Department of Student Affairs at the University of the Free State (UFS). He holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022.

Opinion article by Hlumelo Xaba, Intern in the Department of Student Affairs, University of the Free State (UFS)

The 2016 South African local government elections heralded the ushering in of a new dimension in the country’s political landscape with regard to constituting governments at local level. For the first time since the inaugural democratic elections of 1994, the governing ANC experienced significant electoral declines, which resulted in the party plummeting below the 50% + 1 prerequisite needed to remain the majority party in various municipalities. 

This loss of support meant the ANC would have to leverage the help of those that would be willing to co-govern with them in various hung councils. At the same time, however, the decline of the ruling party galvanised opposition parties to organise themselves into coalition pacts that would push the ANC into a peripheral position in the local government sphere. Although most of these coalitions have been unstable, the growing likelihood that such arrangements will become part of South Africa’s politics beyond local government necessitates long-term interventions to counter the current political predicaments.

The outcomes of the 2021 local government elections saw the acceleration of the need for coalitions in some local government councils, with a total of 67 hung municipalities across the nine provinces, more than double the number from the 2016 local elections. eThekwini became the new addition to the list of hung metros, even though the ANC managed to retain its governing position through an arrangement with smaller parties. 

Solutions to ever-changing dilemmas

When a certain level of dissatisfaction or disagreement among role-players in a coalition is reached, that partnership is likely to deteriorate, and a new one becomes more likely to be established, based on a new set of preferences and objectives. This has proven to be the case in hung municipal councils including the City of Johannesburg, City of Ekurhuleni, and Nelson Mandela Bay, where DA-led coalitions were replaced by ANC-EFF partnerships that opted for councillors from minority parties to be at the helm as Executive Mayors, while the bigger parties occupy MMC positions, even though it is disputable that these coalitions are premised on common interests aimed at catering for the greater good, rather than serving political agendas and self-interest. 

The climate in South Africa’s local government sphere over the past seven years is a precursor to what the broader citizenry can expect in other spheres of government moving forward, because of the ruling party’s deterioration. With no opposition party being able to make the necessary strides and unseat the ANC on its own, governance of some provincial legislatures – and possibly at national level – after the upcoming 2024 general elections seems likely to require new political formations that demand coalitions. 

Earlier this year, Deputy President Paul Mashatile convened a National Dialogue on Coalition Governments. The dialogue was aimed at responding to the challenges coalitions have faced in the local sphere by formulating a framework that includes a set of principles that will make coalitions function for the greater good in the future. Some of the principles guiding the proposed framework included the following: putting people first in considerations around the formation of coalition governments; such coalition governments must contribute towards building a prosperous society in which people have access to land for productive purposes; and parties to such governments must be bound together by a commitment to good governance and no tolerance for corruption. 

Although a framework of this nature might help in changing the current chaotic status quo, the top-down approach so far used in drafting such an agreement is exclusionary to the electorate. In fact, it may not be reflective of the aspirations and actual needs of the people which it is meant to represent.

Reflect on coalitions and their ramifications 

As the country gears up for the 2024 general elections, political leaders should reflect on coalitions and the ramifications thereof in instances where there was instability for various reasons. The primary focus of coalitions should be on common objectives that will seek to combat socioeconomic ills that citizens face (including poverty, unemployment, crime, and basic service delivery), as well as maintaining stability through good ethical governance that will effectively respond to these challenges. The instability of coalitions across the local government sphere, which has resulted in seemingly insurmountable service-delivery shortfalls due to constant administrative changes, should be seen as a summary of what transpires when there’s a great deal of political interferences in the administrative functions of governments, whether local, provincial, or national.

Although the policies and societal outlook of different political formations are influenced by the ideologies that a party aligns itself to, politicians should be cognisant of the reality that no party can dictate or impose its views on how a coalition should function without considering the inputs of other role-players. Instead, political leaders need to accustom themselves to a culture of maintaining a balance between their own values whilst working with other parties towards common goals that will improve the livelihood of all citizens. This should be done with the aim of ensuring stability in all facets of government, and promoting accountability across all spectrums.

  • Xaba holds a BA degree in Governance and Political Transformation from the UFS and was the UFS SRC member for Arts and Culture in 2022. He writes in his personal capacity.

News Archive

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy
2007-08-06

 

In her inaugural lecture Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Sciences, focused on the impact that Pan-Africanist sentiments have had on South Africa’s foreign policy. She also put the resulting contradictions and ambiguities into context. At her inaugural lecture were, from the left: Proff. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS), Heidi Hudson, Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Faculty of The Humanities) and Daan Wessels (Research Associate in the Department of Political Science).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy

“We are committed to full participation as an equal partner … opposed to any efforts which might seek to project South Africa as some kind of superpower on our continent. … the people of Africa share a common destiny and must therefore … address their challenges … as a united force...” (Mbeki 1998:198-199).

Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Science referred to this statement made by president Mbeki (made at the opening of the OAU Conference of Ministers of Information in 1995) when she delivered her inaugural lecture on the topic: South African foreign policy: The politics of Pan-Africanism and pragmatism.

One of the questions she asked is: “Can the South African state deliver democracy and welfare at home while simultaneously creating a stable, rules-based African community?”

She answers: “South Africa needs to reflect more critically and honestly on the dualism inherent in its ideological assumptions regarding relations with Africa. South Africa will always be expected by some to play a leadership role in Africa. At the moment, South Africa’s desire to be liked is hampering its role as leader of the continent.”

In her lecture she highlighted the ideological underpinnings and manifestations of South Africa’s foreign policy. Throughout she alluded to the risks associated with single-mindedly following an ideologically driven foreign policy. She emphasised that domestic or national interests are the victims in this process.

Prof. Hudson offers three broad options for South Africa to consider:

  • The Predator – the selfish bully promoting South African economic interest.
  • Mr Nice Guy – the non-hegemonic partner of the African boys club, multilaterally pursuing a pivotal but not dominant role.
  • The Hegemon - South Africa driving regional integration according to its values and favouring some African countries over others, and with checks and balances by civil society.

She chooses option three of hegemony. “Politically correct research views hegemony as bad and partnership as good. This is a romanticised notion – the two are not mutually exclusive,” she said.

However, she states that there have to be prerequisites to control the exercise of power. “The promotion of a counter-hegemon, such as Nigeria, is necessary. Nigeria has been more effective in some respects than South Africa in establishing its leadership, particularly in West Africa. Also needed is that government should be checked by civil society to avoid it sinking into authoritarianism. The case of business and labour coming to an agreement over the HIV/Aids issue is a positive example which illustrates that government cannot ignore civil society. But much more needs to be done in this regard. South Africa must also be very careful in how it uses its aid and should focus potential aid and development projects more explicitly in terms of promoting political stability,” she said.

Prof. Hudson said: “It is also questionable whether Mbeki’s Afro-centrism has in fact promoted the interests of ordinary citizens across Africa. Instead, elite interests in some countries have benefited. But ultimately, the single most important cost is the damage done to the moral code and ethical principles on which the South African Constitution and democracy is founded.

“In the end we all lose out. More pragmatism and less ideology in our relations within Africa may just be what are needed,” she said.

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