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07 February 2023 | Story Dr Ina Gouws | Photo Supplied
Dr Ina Gouws
Dr Ina Gouws is a Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation in the Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State (UFS)

Opinion Article by Dr Ina Gouws, Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State.
The State of the Nation Address (Sona) of 2023 is upon us. What can South Africans look forward to in this address this year? According to the Presidency, the President will focus on the energy crisis and the rolling blackouts. He will hopefully also shed some light on the disaster legislation government intends to implement to address the energy crisis. Reports that the ANC wants Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma to oversee the load-shedding state of disaster does not inspire confidence at the onset. What we should take serious note of is what the President will have to say about the plans to move Eskom to the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy; a move widely criticised and frankly, feared. 

No new policies, focus on resolving policy implementation failures

Also, according to the Presidency, the outcomes of the Investing in Africa Mining Indaba taking place from 7 February 2023, will receive attention in the Sona. This event attracts more than 6 000 delegates comprising comprising investors, innovators, companies in the mining and natural resources sector etc. No doubt the President will paint a picture of substantial investments to look forward to which will lead to job creation, development, and growth; a promise made in every Sona of every year of his term without fail, for which there has been very little evidence. 

The Minister in the Presidency, Mondli Gungubele, also told the media that government will not look to introduce new policies but focus on resolving existing policy implementation failures since this is the final year of this government’s term. 

Other than these areas of focus, we can surely expect the usual stats and figures to indicate “progress” or evidence of a caring government; more people receiving social grants instead of no longer needing this assistance, and entirely unrealistic job creation numbers to name two. Collapsing municipalities and ongoing corruption will also probably get mentioned under the umbrella of service delivery with futile promises of eradicating corruption and appointing qualified cadres. This administration’s score card of the past four years justifies cynicism. 

From what I have heard among fellow South Africans and seen on social media, the interest in the Sona is at an all-time low because of the miseries mentioned. We are tired of politicians talking, promising, stating the obvious (a particular skill our President has polished) and blatantly underestimating our collective intelligence. We KNOW there is no concrete plan to address the energy crisis. We SEE incompetent ministers still have jobs. Promises for growth and job creation do not resonate at all because South Africans LIVE THE REALITY of unemployment and poverty. South Africans cannot be blamed when the idea of sitting through an address covering more of the same with no expectation of positive change is something we are not prepared to do.

Indifference towards Sona 2023

Does this indifference towards the Sona this year necessarily mean that the nation has lost interest in politics in general? Many would argue that this is indeed the case. I do not agree. The abject apathy that is taking hold of (especially young) South Africans concerning our country’s formal political processes is an issue widely researched and debated. Apathy is essentially having no feeling or connection to a situation or a complete lack of desire or interest to act or participate. Youth find the formal political processes frustrating, alienating, and less likely to yield desired results, consequently the evident apathy. More and more older South Africans are joining them in these attitudes and therefore have developed feelings of apathy of their own. However, apathy towards the formal political process and politicians (elections and electorates) does not mean that South Africans are not interested in politics in general. To be indifferent is to decide to show no interest and to not care or have any opinion about an issue, situation, or event. It differs from apathy because sufferings, experience and disappointment breeds apathy which is therefore not a decision, but a condition. Indifference towards the Sona 2023 is a decision South Africans make, but their interest, involvement and participation in civic organisations and representative processes remains vibrant. Therein lies our strength and in my opinion, the revitalisation of grassroots influence on South African politics. 

So, if you have better things to do on the evening of the 9 February 2023, go and do them. Spend the time with community members talking about what can be done where you live to help each other and hold your officials accountable. It might also be your group’s turn for a blackout, so spend the precious time with loved ones around a candle or that rechargeable LED light. Do not feel any guilt or that you are missing out. You are not apathetic, merely indifferent. An understandable choice.

News Archive

DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture
2005-05-19

DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture: Language and language activism in a time of transformation (summary)
Proff Hennie van Coller and Jaap Steyn

Language activism necessary for multilingualism
The awareness is growing that language activism will be needed to bring about a truly democratic multi-lingual society. What is quite clear is that a firm resolve must continuously resist the concentrated pressure on Afrikaans-medium schools (and universities) to allow themselves to be anglicised through becoming first parallel medium, then dual medium, and finally English medium institutions.

Proff Hennie van Coller and Jaap Steyn said this last night (Wednesday night) in the 24th DF Malherbe Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State. Prof van Coller is head of the Department Afrikaans, Dutch, German and French at the UFS. Both are widely honoured for their contributions to Afrikaans and the promotion of Afrikaans.

They discussed three periods of transformation since 1902, and said about the current phase, which started in 1994:  “Besides all institutions and councils having to be representative of South Africa’s racial composition, places of education were required to open their doors. Quite rapidly this policy has had the result that schools and universities may be solely English medium, but not solely Afrikaans medium. Afrikaans medium institutions — if they claim the right to remain Afrikaans — are quickly branded racist, even though their student body may include all races.

“Education departments are presently exerting great pressure on Afrikaans medium schools to become double or parallel medium schools.  Parallel medium education is an equitable solution provided it can be sustained. Established parallel medium schools, such as Grey College in Bloemfontein, have catered even-handedly for English and Afrikaans speakers for decades. But the situation is different in the parallel medium (and still worse in the double medium) schools that spring up usually at the behest of a department of education.

“Afrikaans schools are converted almost over-night into parallel or dual medium schools without any additional personnel being provided. Depending on the social environment, a parallel medium school becomes reconstituted as a dual medium school on average in five to eight years, and dual medium school becomes an English-only school in two to three years. Some Afrikaans medium schools have become English medium in just three years.

“Though the Constitution recognises mono-lingual schools, officials in the provinces insist that Afrikaans schools become dual or parallel medium; English medium schools are left undisturbed. One must conclude that the tacit aim of the state is English as the sole official language, despite the lip-service paid to multi-lingualism, and the optimistic references to post-apartheid South Africa as a ‘rainbow’ nation.”

They said a recent study has shown that the 1 396 Afrikaans schools in the six provinces in 1993 have dwindled to 844. The fall off in the Free State is from 153 to 97; in the Western Cape from 759 to 564; in Gauteng from 274 to 155; in Mapumalanga from 90 to 3; in the North West from 82 to 13; and in Limpopo Province from 38 to 12.

They said the changes at universities, too, have been severe, as university staffs well know. Ten years ago there were five Afrikaans universities. Today there are none. The government demanded that all universities be open to all, which has meant that all universities have had to become English medium. And no additional funding was forthcoming for the changes. The government policy amounts to a language “tax” imposed on the Afrikaans community for using Afrikaans.

“Only when all schools (and universities) are English will the clamor cease. Academics and educationists are beginning to speak openly of forming pressure groups to save Afrikaans schools, and of using litigation as one of their methods. 59% of Afrikaans parents have said they would support strong action if Afrikaans were no longer a medium of instruction at schools.”

 

 


 

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