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07 February 2023 | Story Dr Ina Gouws | Photo Supplied
Dr Ina Gouws
Dr Ina Gouws is a Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation in the Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State (UFS)

Opinion Article by Dr Ina Gouws, Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State.
The State of the Nation Address (Sona) of 2023 is upon us. What can South Africans look forward to in this address this year? According to the Presidency, the President will focus on the energy crisis and the rolling blackouts. He will hopefully also shed some light on the disaster legislation government intends to implement to address the energy crisis. Reports that the ANC wants Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma to oversee the load-shedding state of disaster does not inspire confidence at the onset. What we should take serious note of is what the President will have to say about the plans to move Eskom to the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy; a move widely criticised and frankly, feared. 

No new policies, focus on resolving policy implementation failures

Also, according to the Presidency, the outcomes of the Investing in Africa Mining Indaba taking place from 7 February 2023, will receive attention in the Sona. This event attracts more than 6 000 delegates comprising comprising investors, innovators, companies in the mining and natural resources sector etc. No doubt the President will paint a picture of substantial investments to look forward to which will lead to job creation, development, and growth; a promise made in every Sona of every year of his term without fail, for which there has been very little evidence. 

The Minister in the Presidency, Mondli Gungubele, also told the media that government will not look to introduce new policies but focus on resolving existing policy implementation failures since this is the final year of this government’s term. 

Other than these areas of focus, we can surely expect the usual stats and figures to indicate “progress” or evidence of a caring government; more people receiving social grants instead of no longer needing this assistance, and entirely unrealistic job creation numbers to name two. Collapsing municipalities and ongoing corruption will also probably get mentioned under the umbrella of service delivery with futile promises of eradicating corruption and appointing qualified cadres. This administration’s score card of the past four years justifies cynicism. 

From what I have heard among fellow South Africans and seen on social media, the interest in the Sona is at an all-time low because of the miseries mentioned. We are tired of politicians talking, promising, stating the obvious (a particular skill our President has polished) and blatantly underestimating our collective intelligence. We KNOW there is no concrete plan to address the energy crisis. We SEE incompetent ministers still have jobs. Promises for growth and job creation do not resonate at all because South Africans LIVE THE REALITY of unemployment and poverty. South Africans cannot be blamed when the idea of sitting through an address covering more of the same with no expectation of positive change is something we are not prepared to do.

Indifference towards Sona 2023

Does this indifference towards the Sona this year necessarily mean that the nation has lost interest in politics in general? Many would argue that this is indeed the case. I do not agree. The abject apathy that is taking hold of (especially young) South Africans concerning our country’s formal political processes is an issue widely researched and debated. Apathy is essentially having no feeling or connection to a situation or a complete lack of desire or interest to act or participate. Youth find the formal political processes frustrating, alienating, and less likely to yield desired results, consequently the evident apathy. More and more older South Africans are joining them in these attitudes and therefore have developed feelings of apathy of their own. However, apathy towards the formal political process and politicians (elections and electorates) does not mean that South Africans are not interested in politics in general. To be indifferent is to decide to show no interest and to not care or have any opinion about an issue, situation, or event. It differs from apathy because sufferings, experience and disappointment breeds apathy which is therefore not a decision, but a condition. Indifference towards the Sona 2023 is a decision South Africans make, but their interest, involvement and participation in civic organisations and representative processes remains vibrant. Therein lies our strength and in my opinion, the revitalisation of grassroots influence on South African politics. 

So, if you have better things to do on the evening of the 9 February 2023, go and do them. Spend the time with community members talking about what can be done where you live to help each other and hold your officials accountable. It might also be your group’s turn for a blackout, so spend the precious time with loved ones around a candle or that rechargeable LED light. Do not feel any guilt or that you are missing out. You are not apathetic, merely indifferent. An understandable choice.

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

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