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18 July 2023 | Story André Damons and Samkelo Fetile | Photo Stephen Collett
UFS Thought-Leader Series
The 2023 Thought-Leader Panel. From left: Prof Bonang Mohale, Dr Lindie Koorts, Prof Francis Petersen, Dr Sipho Pityana and Prof Piet Croucamp.

Panelists at the University of the Free State’s (UFS) Thought-Leader Panel discussion disagreed whether South Africa has a culture of acceptance, with one panelist claiming “it is absolute nonsense”.

Prof Piet Croucamp, who teaches politics at the North-West University (NWU), answered the question whether South Africans just accept things as if they were normal because they do not know anything different with a frank: “It is absolute nonsense”. 

Prof Croucamp was one of four panelists who took part in the panel discussion titled: “A Culture of Acceptance – South Africa’s Greatest Threat?” as part of the 2023 Thought-Leader Series on Thursday (13 July 2023). The other panelists were Prof Bonang Mohale, President: Business Unity South Africa and UFS Chancellor; Dr Sipho Pityana, Founder and Chairman: Izingwe Capital; and Dr Lindie Koorts, Research Fellow: International Studies Group (ISG), UFS.

Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator. 

Biggest motion of no confidence 

Prof Croucamp said only 47% of registered voters turned up to vote during the 2021 elections and only 12% of eligible voters voted for the ANC, while 88% voted for other political parties or stayed away.

“The reason why the ANC dipped below 50% is because people stayed away and by staying away, they were saying something. They were saying ‘we have lost confidence in this particular system’, but more so in this political party. It is the biggest motion of no confidence that I have seen in this country.

“Only 12% could identify with that narrative. So do not tell me people are passive and have nothing to say and that they have just accepted things. It is simply not true,” Prof Croucamp said.

According to him, black entrepreneurs who have benefited from black economic empowerment and who operate mostly in the informal economy, are responsible for the recent burning of trucks. They are now seeking to enter the value chain of the formal economy, in this case, the logistics economy.

“They compete with each other through the use of violence. Bheki Cele (minister of police) said the burning of trucks is business-related and I agree with him. It spilled over from the mining industry in Mpumalanga. These are economically empowered entrepreneurs who use violence and crime as a way to establish themselves in the value chain. Do not for one moment believe it has something to do with the violence of July 2021.”

Culture of acceptance 

Prof Mohale said the timing of the recent truck burnings is interesting because it happened on the second anniversary of the violence that occurred in July 2021. These attacks on the trucks are clearly coordinated. By Thursday morning (13 July this week) 21 trucks had been burned. There is no way this was spontaneous, he said. 

“The timing is important. Look at the data; from 9 July 2021 – two weeks which are referred loosely to as a failed insurrection with rampant looting – Minister Bheki Cele at that time talked about the “Dirty Dozen” because 12 people were identified as responsible and he said they would be arrested soon. 

“Yesterday (Wednesday 12 July) he tells us about the Dirty Dozen again. Look how easily we accept this number. The same way that we accepted a report in 2003 from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which said those people who did not get full amnesty because they did not disclose must be charged. Twenty years later nobody has been charged,” said Prof Mohale.

According to him, there is a culture of acceptance of everything we are promised. We are told they were going to do “A”. Nothing is done and there are no consequences.

The two weeks in July 2021 are important, he said. There were two components, part of it was highly organised and orchestrated via WhatsApp messages. Then the other half was spontaneous.

“Look at the economic consequences.” They were not helping black people but were plunging them further into poverty. More than 350 people were killed and 200 malls burned and 5 000 businesses destroyed. Some 40 000 jobs were put at risk, eight warehouses and 11 factories were gutted and 1 400 ATMs were destroyed and R160 million was stolen. More than 1.5 million rounds of ammunition were stolen which later found their way to cash-in-transit robberies, Prof Mohale said. 

Constitution an empowering tool in the hands of citizens

Dr Pityana said the most urgent threat facing this country today, is that of becoming a failed state and the acceleration towards that failure. The questions that citizens have to ask is what can be done to stem that acceleration?

“My reference point when I think about this nation is the constitution because the constitution is a fantastic tool in the hands of each and every citizen. It is a very empowering tool. There are two things we did when we adopted the constitution; two very important pieces of legislation were passed. The first was the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act. The next is the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA).

“The constitution enjoins us to drive a value-based society. A value-based society as distinct from a majoritarian society. The importance of that, is that it is a tool that is about saying to each and every one of us as South Africans what is the vision of the country that we want to build. The value of the constitution is that we must build an inclusive society and it does not matter what our station is. For as long as there is a poor person somewhere, we are exclusive. For as long as there is somebody somewhere who feels they do not belong, they do not have access to health, education, they do not have access to a range of things, it is not good enough to say that at least I get it,” said Dr Pityana. 

Elites feeding off the people 

Dr Koorts, who often writes on the links between current affairs and history, agreed with Prof Croucamp that the stay-away vote was a huge vote of no confidence in the ANC. But, she continued, it is keeping the country where it is. The ANC suffers from what she calls the “broad-church disease”. 

 “We need transition. Does the answer lie with our opposition parties? I would say they suffer from the same ‘broad-church disease’, unfortunately, because you trying to find as many votes as possible and you accommodate as many as possible, which is very laudable. But again, contradictory forces mean you are not getting anywhere. Unfortunately, if there's one party that does not suffer from broad-church disease, I would say it’s EFF who really know what they stand for,” Dr Koorts said. 

She also said elites are feeding off the people because people are doing things for themselves. 

“If people are doing things for themselves, for example, fixing potholes themselves – great, that money can be pocketed. Getting refuse to the dumps by ourselves, more money to be pocketed, solar panels, water tanks, etc. But tax collection does not stop. You have an elite feeding off people. ‘Do-it-yourself’ cannot go without accountability. Because otherwise you will just be doing more and more for yourself”.

Watch the series below:

                                                 

 

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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