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UFS Thought-Leader Series
The 2023 Thought-Leader Panel. From left: Prof Bonang Mohale, Dr Lindie Koorts, Prof Francis Petersen, Dr Sipho Pityana and Prof Piet Croucamp.

Panelists at the University of the Free State’s (UFS) Thought-Leader Panel discussion disagreed whether South Africa has a culture of acceptance, with one panelist claiming “it is absolute nonsense”.

Prof Piet Croucamp, who teaches politics at the North-West University (NWU), answered the question whether South Africans just accept things as if they were normal because they do not know anything different with a frank: “It is absolute nonsense”. 

Prof Croucamp was one of four panelists who took part in the panel discussion titled: “A Culture of Acceptance – South Africa’s Greatest Threat?” as part of the 2023 Thought-Leader Series on Thursday (13 July 2023). The other panelists were Prof Bonang Mohale, President: Business Unity South Africa and UFS Chancellor; Dr Sipho Pityana, Founder and Chairman: Izingwe Capital; and Dr Lindie Koorts, Research Fellow: International Studies Group (ISG), UFS.

Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator. 

Biggest motion of no confidence 

Prof Croucamp said only 47% of registered voters turned up to vote during the 2021 elections and only 12% of eligible voters voted for the ANC, while 88% voted for other political parties or stayed away.

“The reason why the ANC dipped below 50% is because people stayed away and by staying away, they were saying something. They were saying ‘we have lost confidence in this particular system’, but more so in this political party. It is the biggest motion of no confidence that I have seen in this country.

“Only 12% could identify with that narrative. So do not tell me people are passive and have nothing to say and that they have just accepted things. It is simply not true,” Prof Croucamp said.

According to him, black entrepreneurs who have benefited from black economic empowerment and who operate mostly in the informal economy, are responsible for the recent burning of trucks. They are now seeking to enter the value chain of the formal economy, in this case, the logistics economy.

“They compete with each other through the use of violence. Bheki Cele (minister of police) said the burning of trucks is business-related and I agree with him. It spilled over from the mining industry in Mpumalanga. These are economically empowered entrepreneurs who use violence and crime as a way to establish themselves in the value chain. Do not for one moment believe it has something to do with the violence of July 2021.”

Culture of acceptance 

Prof Mohale said the timing of the recent truck burnings is interesting because it happened on the second anniversary of the violence that occurred in July 2021. These attacks on the trucks are clearly coordinated. By Thursday morning (13 July this week) 21 trucks had been burned. There is no way this was spontaneous, he said. 

“The timing is important. Look at the data; from 9 July 2021 – two weeks which are referred loosely to as a failed insurrection with rampant looting – Minister Bheki Cele at that time talked about the “Dirty Dozen” because 12 people were identified as responsible and he said they would be arrested soon. 

“Yesterday (Wednesday 12 July) he tells us about the Dirty Dozen again. Look how easily we accept this number. The same way that we accepted a report in 2003 from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which said those people who did not get full amnesty because they did not disclose must be charged. Twenty years later nobody has been charged,” said Prof Mohale.

According to him, there is a culture of acceptance of everything we are promised. We are told they were going to do “A”. Nothing is done and there are no consequences.

The two weeks in July 2021 are important, he said. There were two components, part of it was highly organised and orchestrated via WhatsApp messages. Then the other half was spontaneous.

“Look at the economic consequences.” They were not helping black people but were plunging them further into poverty. More than 350 people were killed and 200 malls burned and 5 000 businesses destroyed. Some 40 000 jobs were put at risk, eight warehouses and 11 factories were gutted and 1 400 ATMs were destroyed and R160 million was stolen. More than 1.5 million rounds of ammunition were stolen which later found their way to cash-in-transit robberies, Prof Mohale said. 

Constitution an empowering tool in the hands of citizens

Dr Pityana said the most urgent threat facing this country today, is that of becoming a failed state and the acceleration towards that failure. The questions that citizens have to ask is what can be done to stem that acceleration?

“My reference point when I think about this nation is the constitution because the constitution is a fantastic tool in the hands of each and every citizen. It is a very empowering tool. There are two things we did when we adopted the constitution; two very important pieces of legislation were passed. The first was the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act. The next is the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA).

“The constitution enjoins us to drive a value-based society. A value-based society as distinct from a majoritarian society. The importance of that, is that it is a tool that is about saying to each and every one of us as South Africans what is the vision of the country that we want to build. The value of the constitution is that we must build an inclusive society and it does not matter what our station is. For as long as there is a poor person somewhere, we are exclusive. For as long as there is somebody somewhere who feels they do not belong, they do not have access to health, education, they do not have access to a range of things, it is not good enough to say that at least I get it,” said Dr Pityana. 

Elites feeding off the people 

Dr Koorts, who often writes on the links between current affairs and history, agreed with Prof Croucamp that the stay-away vote was a huge vote of no confidence in the ANC. But, she continued, it is keeping the country where it is. The ANC suffers from what she calls the “broad-church disease”. 

 “We need transition. Does the answer lie with our opposition parties? I would say they suffer from the same ‘broad-church disease’, unfortunately, because you trying to find as many votes as possible and you accommodate as many as possible, which is very laudable. But again, contradictory forces mean you are not getting anywhere. Unfortunately, if there's one party that does not suffer from broad-church disease, I would say it’s EFF who really know what they stand for,” Dr Koorts said. 

She also said elites are feeding off the people because people are doing things for themselves. 

“If people are doing things for themselves, for example, fixing potholes themselves – great, that money can be pocketed. Getting refuse to the dumps by ourselves, more money to be pocketed, solar panels, water tanks, etc. But tax collection does not stop. You have an elite feeding off people. ‘Do-it-yourself’ cannot go without accountability. Because otherwise you will just be doing more and more for yourself”.

Watch the series below:

                                                 

 

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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