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29 June 2023 | Story Dr Ina Gouws | Photo Supplied
Dr Ina Gouws
Dr Ina Gouws is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Studies and Governance

University of the Free State

We find ourselves on the other side of another Youth Day in South Africa. I acknowledge the importance of this anniversary, although I recognise that it is not for me to fully comprehend the profound significance of commemorating the events of 16 June 1976. I therefore refrain from presuming to address the depth of pain, both enduring and otherwise, that this commemoration signifies.

Let me then stay with the broader significance of Youth Month in my deliberations.

Cabinet approved the theme for Youth Month 2023 to be: “Accelerating youth economic emancipation for a sustainable future”. In 2022 the theme was: “Promoting sustainable livelihood and resilience of young people for a better tomorrow”, and, in 2021 the theme was:  “The Year of Charlotte Mannya Maxeke: Growing youth employment for an inclusive and transformed society”.

Cooperation and partnership between government and the youth is fractured

For a government known for abject failure especially regarding education and economic policy, these are lofty ambitions for which we have not seen positive results. I fear that most of our country’s youths are not aware of these themes or else take note with understandable cynicism.  The trust they should have in our government to expect positive outcomes for policies and plans simply does not exist. The cooperation and partnership that needs to be forged between government and the youth in South Africa is therefore fractured to say the least. Consequently, a sense of disillusionment has taken hold.

Feelings of marginalisation and being unheard have bred disengagement, apathy, and even resentment. It appears this government can only talk a great game. None of this is news, is it? The problem is that the breakdown in trust undermines the foundation of a healthy democracy, hindering the government’s ability to effectively represent and address the needs of our youth. The effect of this failure has disastrous consequences for young people to the very core of their dignity.

It is therefore crucial to recognise the profound human consequences that come with unemployment and dire prospects. The impact of unemployment on young individuals is not to be underestimated or only boxed into aspects of economics, as it significantly disrupts their sense of self and place in the world way beyond that. I believe the approach in South Africa should therefore also recognise the intrinsic value and dignity of the youth beyond their economic productivity. As it is,  I fear they have ended up finding their self-worth in only ever being prone to confrontation and protest, instead of constructive problem-solving. It is then no surprise that a grim view of the future can hinder the formation of new social connections and limit opportunities for networking, further exacerbating the isolation experienced by unemployed youth which feeds this apathy and disinterest the majority seem to have in the political process.

What is to be done?

I don’t see any purely political drive or approach to provoke widespread youth participation being successful in this context. What is to be done? We must start with ways to create ‘willingness’ first. For that, purpose beyond politics, in which they have lost trust and interest, is necessary. I have no doubt that the country’s youth care about their communities even if they feel disconnected and have little to offer to assist because of their dire socio-economic realities. We must create spaces for dialogue, storytelling, and collective reflection to challenge societal narratives surrounding work and success, promoting alternative measures of value and worth. Emphasising the importance of empathy, compassion, and community solidarity can help combat the stigmatisation and isolation faced by unemployed youth.

Moreover, recognising the agency and potential of young people is essential for the nation's future development and prosperity. It would be best to first focus on independent initiatives and collaborations outside of the government’s sphere of influence. Emphasising grassroots movements, civil society organisations, and community-led efforts that can drive change from the bottom up, could get the youth involved without focusing on politics alone. By focusing on initiatives that bypass or work independently of the government, youth can still actively participate and work towards their goals, and I believe that willingness to participate lies just below the surface.

Change will take time

The challenge, and perhaps frustration, is to recognise that long-term perspective and focus on building a sustainable foundation for youth political engagement will be necessary. With the damage that has been done, change will take time and involve continuous efforts beyond any specific government’s tenure. And relying so heavily on any community’s resilience should be seriously questioned, especially when it comes to the youth. There must be a more positive outcome than what they have thus far lived, after showing such perseverance. I believe we can help recover a willingness in our youth to again or for the first time participate in constructive ways to promote necessary change for themselves and their communities beyond a day or a month; for a lifetime.

News Archive

SA universities are becoming the battlegrounds for political gain
2010-11-02

Prof. Kalie Strydom.

No worthwhile contribution can be made to higher education excellence if you do not understand and acknowledge the devastating, but unfortunately unavoidable role of party politics in the system and universities of higher education and training (HET).

This statement was made by Prof. Kalie Strydom during his valedictory lecture made on the Main Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS) in Bloemfontein recently.

Prof. Strydom, who was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the UFS in 2010, presented a lecture on the theme: The Long Walk to Higher Education and Training Excellence: The Struggle of Comrades and Racists. He provided perspectives on politics in higher education and training (HET) and shared different examples explaining the meaning of excellence in HET in relation to politics.

“At the HET systems level I was fortunate to participate in the deliberations in the early nineties to prepare policy perspectives that could be used by the ANC in HET policy making after the 1994 elections.  At these deliberations one of the important issues discussed was the typical educational and training pyramid recognised in many countries, to establish and maintain successful education and training. The educational pyramid in successful countries was compared to the SA “inverted” pyramid that had already originated during apartheid for all races, but unfortunately exploded during the 16 years of democracy to a dangerous situation of 3 million out-of school and post-school youth with very few education and training opportunities,” he said.

In his lecture, Prof. Strydom answered questions like: Why could we as higher educationists not persuade the new democratically elected government to create a successful education and training pyramid with a strong intermediate college sector in the nineties?  What was the politics like in the early and late nineties about disallowing the acceptance of the successful pyramid of education and training?  Why do we only now in the latest DHET strategic planning 2010–2015 have this successful pyramid as a basis for policymaking and planning?

At an institutional level he explained the role of politics by referring to the Reitz incident at the UFS and the infamous Soudien report on racism in higher education in South Africa highlighting explosive racial situations in our universities and the country.  “To understand this situation we need to acknowledge that we are battling with complex biases influencing the racial situation,” he said.

“White and black, staff and students at our universities are constantly battling with the legacy of the past which is being used, abused and conveniently forgotten, as well as critical events that white and black experience every day of their lives, feeding polarisation of extreme views while eroding common ground.  Examples vary from the indoctrination and prejudice that is continued within most homes, churches and schools; mass media full of murder, rape, corruption; political parties skewing difficult issues for indiscrete political gain; to frustrating non-delivery in almost all spheres of life which frustrates and irritates everyone, all feeding racial stereo typing and prejudice,” said Prof. Strydom.

A South African philosopher, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse, recently used the metaphor of an “Elephant in our lounge” to describe the syndrome of racism that is part of the lives of white and black South Africans in very different ways. He indicated that all of us are aware of the elephant, but we choose not to talk about it, an attitude described by Ruth Frankenberg as ‘colour evasiveness’, which denies the nature and scope of the problem.

Constructs related to race are so contentious that most stakeholders and role-players are unwilling to confront the meanings that they assign to very prominent dimensions of their experience; neither does management at the institutions have enough staff (higher educationists?) with the competencies to interrogate these meanings, or generate shared meanings amongst staff and students (common ground).  A good example that could be compared with “the elephant in our lounge” remark is the recent paper of Prof. Jonathan Jansen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS on race categorisation in education and training.

According to Prof. Strydom, universities in South Africa are increasingly becoming the battlegrounds for political gain which creates a polarised atmosphere on campuses and crowds out the moderate middle ground, thereby subverting the role and function of the university as an institution within a specific context, interpreted globally and locally. 

Striving for excellence, mostly free from the negative influences of politics, in HET, from the point of view of the higher educationist, is that we should, through comparative literature review and research, re-conceptualise the university as an institution in a specific context.  This entails carefully considering environment and the positioning of the university leading to a specific institutional culture and recognising the fact that institutional cultures are complicated by many subcultures in academe (faculties) and student life (residences/new generations of commuter students).

Another way forward in striving for excellence, mostly free from politics, is to ensure that we understand the complexities of governing a university better.  D.W. Leslie (2003) mentions formidable tasks related to governance influenced by politics:

  • Balancing legitimacy and effectiveness.
  • Leading along two dimensions: getting work done and engaging people.
  • Differentiating between formal university structures and the functions of universities as they adapt and evolve.
  • Bridging the divergence between cultural and operational imperatives of the bureaucratic and professional sides of the university.

Prof. Strydom concluded by stating that it is possible to continue with an almost never ending list of important themes in HE studies adding perspectives on why it is so easy to misuse universities for politics instead of recognising our responsibility to carefully consider contributions to transformation in such an immensely complicated institution as the university within a higher education and training system. 

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication (acting)
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl@ufs.ac.za
29 October 2010

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