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A Culture of Acceptance Could Be Our Country’s Greatest Threat

06 March 2023 | Story Prof Francis Petersen | Photo Sonia Small

Opinion article by Prof Francis Petersen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State.

Amid the various threats currently faced by our beleaguered country, there is one that many people seem oblivious to – but which has the potential to speedily and decisively send us over the precipice: civil society’s attitude of accepting rampant corruption, crime, and economic degradation as if it is something inevitable and unavoidable. This current culture needs to be urgently exposed and addressed. And higher education institutions have a definite role to play in preventing its destructive potential, says Prof Francis Petersen.

References to a ‘culture of acceptance’ most often conjure up a positive connotation – especially in our South African context with its unfortunate history of ‘non-acceptance’, prejudice, and discrimination. The term usually refers to an attitude of embracing a diversity of views, backgrounds, and opinions, and accommodating differences along political, cultural, gender, and religious lines. But there is a new, much more ominous ‘culture of acceptance’ taking root in our society: that of adopting an attitude of indifference and even complacency when it comes to those phenomena that are eroding our future prospects as a nation.

Challenges to our state

There can be little disagreement about the general state of decay we are currently experiencing in our various structures of governance on nearly all levels. This includes government departments that are not functioning properly, as well as state-owned enterprises such as Eskom, SAA, Prasa, and Transnet, which are either crumbling away or have virtually collapsed. Some of these structures have been systematically eroded through corruption, inefficiency, and cadre deployment over a sustained period of time. On top of that, we have escalating crime, ranging in manifestation from gender-based violence to mafia-style organised crime syndicates that are infiltrating and effectively paralysing some of our most important sectors, such as the construction, mining, and agriculture industries. All of these contribute to a sagging economy, preventing the economic growth that our country so desperately needs in order to move forward. South Africa’s recent greylisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as a result of insufficient mechanisms to monitor and combat money laundering and terrorist financing activities, further compounds an already dire situation, as it places severe strain on our financial services sector and negatively affects our ability to attract investment. Last minute efforts to amend legislation and prevent greylisting were evidently insufficient and much too late. Our current disconcerting national financial status is clearly the result of not only poor government performance, but also a totally deficient policy environment – the combined effect of which serves as a definite deterrent to investors.

Indifferent response of civil society creating inflated risk

What is also a growing cause for concern though, is civil society’s prevailing response to these calamities. One of the things that the COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated, is how quickly society can adapt to a ‘new normal’. Things that were altogether unthinkable and outside the frame of reference for most – such as a national lockdown, social distancing, and mandatory public mask wearing – quickly became acceptable and commonplace after it was introduced. Regrettably, the same trend is visible when it comes to our response to the government’s non-performance, rampant crime, and economic pressures that we are currently experiencing. The difference is that there is no greater common good that should make us summarily accept the current status quo. We get frustrated and angry when we hear that products cannot get to ports or markets; we shake our heads when we hear about yet another corruption scandal or another murder; we get irritated when power blackouts increase. But instead of speaking out or voicing our concerns in some constructive way, we tend to quickly and quietly find individual ways of working around obstacles such as load-shedding schedules, rather opting for making alternative arrangements and putting up with all the ramifications caused.

While on some level it is admirable that ordinary South Africans are showing resilience and innovation and increasingly choosing to do things for themselves amid government failures, it is, however, also indicative of an alarming downgrading of our societal values. Things that would create a public uproar in a developed state, and almost automatically lead to picketing and a widely publicised calling to book of the responsible office holders, seem to hardly get a second glance in our battle-weary South African society. We have lowered the bar of what is seen as acceptable. And from there, it can be an alarmingly fast downhill slope to becoming a truly failed state. The fact that government often goes the route of not responding to public objection, should add fuel to the fire of outcries and protests. But unfortunately, it often has the opposite effect, where government silence is met with public silence and a growing sense of national resignation.

What needs to be done

The question is: has our current situation created a society that has simply accepted its fate? Or has it created a society that has become more innovative and creative, actively navigating current challenges, and finding new solutions to societal issues independent of government? And what should be our reaction to the challenges we currently face?

As with many things, I believe the truth lies somewhere in the middle. While it is vital that ordinary South Africans and the private sector find ways of working around government shortcomings, it is just as important that they remain vocal, pointing out government failures and questioning the conduct and decisions of our elected leaders. Public reaction should, however, not stay with objections alone, but evolve into physical action. There should also be a willingness to work with struggling government institutions and incorporate other role players in order to find real solutions together. As a responsible citizenry, simply being quiet and complacent is our worst option.

Role of higher education sector

As vital vehicles in the shaping of our next generation of citizens, universities and other higher education institutions have an important role to play in the current government versus civil society impasse. I believe this role is twofold: on the one hand, we need to educate and encourage young citizens to stand up and make their voices heard against injustice and non-delivery in the public sector. On the other hand, we are also cultivating a next generation of leaders. While they are gracing our campuses, we need to contribute towards instilling ethical values in our leaders of tomorrow and equipping them with a vision that is much broader than just individual needs and wants, but that encompasses the needs of our society as a whole. Our education efforts should always have this all-important developmental focus, where graduate attributes such as critical thinking, community engagement, ethical reasoning, and an entrepreneurial spirit are nurtured and employed in order to build a better country. We should also impress on our youth the importance of forming partnerships and collaborating with various role players from different areas of expertise and sectors of society to work together to reach this common goal.

How do we do this?

I believe an important and obvious basic building block that institutions of higher learning are already providing – and should increasingly be enabled to do – is the creation and expansion of competency through teaching, research, and engagement. By equipping our students with knowledge and skills, we empower them to play an active role in taking our country forward. This should be complemented by social justice competencies, where curricular and co-curricular programmes and activities are used to grow a sense of social justice in our leaders and citizens of tomorrow. These social justice initiatives should also be coupled with the creation of robust platforms for dialogue on topical issues of national interest, where government voices are invited, incorporated, and challenged, but in a constructive, mutually respectful context. Universities should finally also employ their research capacities in various fields to come up with real, practical, and sustainable solutions to societal issues, presenting government with new, innovative, and effective ways of addressing our current national dilemmas.

It is vital that our leaders – and followers – of tomorrow are sensitised to an important fact: as much as South Africa needs competent, ethical leadership, it also needs an alert, active, involved citizenry to keep those leaders in check. Because a government that is dysfunctional and a society that simply accepts it, makes for a very dangerous combination.

News Archive

UV vestig hom afgelope eeu as leier op verskeie terreine

2004-05-11

Michelle O'Connor - Volksblad - 11 Mei 2004

Ondank terugslae nou 'n 'gesonde volwassene'

HOEWEL die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) vanjaar sy eeufees vier en met 23 000 studente die grootste universiteit in die sentrale deel van die land is, was dié instelling se geboorte glad nie maklik nie. MICHELÉ O'CONNOR het met prof. Frederick Fourie, rektor, oor die nederige begin van dié instelling gesels.

DIE behoefte aan 'n eie universiteit in die Vrystaat het reeds in 1855, kort ná die stigting van Grey-kollege, kop uitgesteek.

Grey se manne het hulleself teen 1890 begin voorberei om die intermediêre B.A.-eksamens af te lê. Dié eksamen het hulle toegang gegee tot die tweede jaar van 'n B.A.-graad aan die destydse University of the Cape Good Hope, nou die Universiteit van Kaapstad.

"Presidente F.W. Reitz en M.T. Steyn het destyds albei die stigting van 'n universiteit hier bepleit. Die grootste rede was sodat die seuns van die Vrystaat nie weggestuur word nie.

"Dié twee se droom is op 28 Januarie 1904 bewaarheid toe ses studente hulle onder dr. Johannes Bril, as hoof/rektor van Grey-kollege, vir die graad B.A. ingeskryf het. Dié graad is aanvanklik deur die Kaapse universiteit toegeken.

"Net die klassieke tale soos Latyns en Grieks, die moderne tale, Nederlands, Duits en Engels, filosofie, geskiedenis, wiskunde, fisika, chemie, plant- en dierkunde is aanvanklik aangebied.

"Die UV se geboue het gegroei van 'n klein tweevertrek-geboutjie wat nou naby Huis Abraham Fischer staan, en verblyf in die Grey-kollege se seunskoshuis," sê Fourie.

Volgens hom is die universiteit se eerste raad en senaat tussen 1904 en 1920 saamgestel. Die eerste dosente is aangestel en die eerste geboue opgerig. "Dié tyd was egter baie moeilik.

"Die instelling het teen 1920 net 100 studente gehad en was geldelik in die knyp. Daar was geen vaste rektor nie en geen vooruitgang nie. Vrystaatse kinders is steeds na ander universiteite gestuur.

"Ds. J.D. Kestell, rektor van 1920 tot 1927, het egter dié instelling finaal gevestig.

"Hy het self studente van oor die hele Vrystaat gewerf en geld by onder meer kerke en banke ingesamel. Kestell het selfs Engelse ouers oortuig om hul kinders na die Greyuniversiteitskollege (GUK) te stuur en teen 1927 het dié instelling met 400 studente gespog.

"In die tydperk tussen 1927 en 1950 het die GUK weer verskeie terugslae beleef.

"In dié tyd was dit onder meer die Groot Depressie en die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Die armblanke-vraagstuk het regstreeks op studente en dosente ingewerk en die politieke onderstrominge van dié tyd het die instelling ontwrig.

"Die GUK het egter oorleef en die Universiteitskollege van die Oranje-Vrystaat (UKOVS) is in 1935 gebore," sê Fourie.

Hy sê in dié tyd is verskeie fakulteite gevestig en teen 1950 het die UKOVS met 1 000 studente gespog.

Teen 1950 het dit 'n onafhanklike universiteit geword en die naam is verander na die Universiteit van die OranjeVrystaat (UOVS).

Dié tydperk is gekenmerk deur Afrikaner- en blanke selfvertroue en heerskappy. Studentegetalle het tot 7 000 in 1975 gegroei en heelwat vooruitgang het in dié tyd plaasgevind.

"Tussen 1976 en 1989 sukkel dieuniversiteit weer met onder meer ekonomiese krisisse, die land se politieke onstabiliteit en word die UOVS geï soleer.

"Een ligpunt in dié tyd is die toelating van die eerste swart studente, die nuwe Sasol-biblioteek en die fakulteit teologie wat die lig sien.

"Tussen 1990 en vanjaar het die UOVS verskeie op- en afdraandes beleef. Die universiteit doen nie net die eerste stappe van transformasie nie, maar begin ook aan 'n beleid van multikulturaliteit werk.

"Die UOVS se naam verander in 1996 na die Universiteit van die Vrystaat/University of the Free State en in 2001 word die Sotho-vertaling bygevoeg.

"Geldelike druk en probleme neem drasties toe en personeel word gerasionaliseer.

"Teen 2000 begin die UV met 'n draaistrategie en studentegetalle neem tot meer as 23 000 toe," sê Fourie.

Hy sê die UV het die afgelope eeu nie net verskeie terugslae oorleef nie, maar homself ook op verskeie gebiede as 'n leier gevestig.

Die universiteit behaal sy eie geldelike mikpunte, neem 'n nuwe taalbeleid van veeltaligheid aan en herbelê in personeel.

Die instelling inkorporeer die kampusse van die Vista- en Qwaqwa-universiteit en groei internasionaal.

Die UV vestig ook fondamente van 'n institusionele kultuur van verdraagsaamheid, geregtigheid en diversiteit.

"Die baba het in die afgelope eeu 'n gesonde volwassene geword."

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