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06 March 2023 | Story Prof Francis Petersen | Photo Sonia Small
Prof Francis Petersen
Prof Francis Petersen.

Opinion article by Prof Francis Petersen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State.
Amid the various threats currently faced by our beleaguered country, there is one that many people seem oblivious to – but which has the potential to speedily and decisively send us over the precipice: civil society’s attitude of accepting rampant corruption, crime, and economic degradation as if it is something inevitable and unavoidable. This current culture needs to be urgently exposed and addressed. And higher education institutions have a definite role to play in preventing its destructive potential, says Prof Francis Petersen.

References to a ‘culture of acceptance’ most often conjure up a positive connotation – especially in our South African context with its unfortunate history of ‘non-acceptance’, prejudice, and discrimination. The term usually refers to an attitude of embracing a diversity of views, backgrounds, and opinions, and accommodating differences along political, cultural, gender, and religious lines. But there is a new, much more ominous ‘culture of acceptance’ taking root in our society: that of adopting an attitude of indifference and even complacency when it comes to those phenomena that are eroding our future prospects as a nation. 

Challenges to our state 

There can be little disagreement about the general state of decay we are currently experiencing in our various structures of governance on nearly all levels. This includes government departments that are not functioning properly, as well as state-owned enterprises such as Eskom, SAA, Prasa, and Transnet, which are either crumbling away or have virtually collapsed. Some of these structures have been systematically eroded through corruption, inefficiency, and cadre deployment over a sustained period of time. On top of that, we have escalating crime, ranging in manifestation from gender-based violence to mafia-style organised crime syndicates that are infiltrating and effectively paralysing some of our most important sectors, such as the construction, mining, and agriculture industries. All of these contribute to a sagging economy, preventing the economic growth that our country so desperately needs in order to move forward. South Africa’s recent greylisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as a result of insufficient mechanisms to monitor and combat money laundering and terrorist financing activities, further compounds an already dire situation, as it places severe strain on our financial services sector and negatively affects our ability to attract investment.  Last minute efforts to amend legislation and prevent greylisting were evidently insufficient and much too late. Our current disconcerting national financial status is clearly the result of not only poor government performance, but also a totally deficient policy environment – the combined effect of which serves as a definite deterrent to investors. 

Indifferent response of civil society creating inflated risk 

What is also a growing cause for concern though, is civil society’s prevailing response to these calamities. One of the things that the COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated, is how quickly society can adapt to a ‘new normal’. Things that were altogether unthinkable and outside the frame of reference for most – such as a national lockdown, social distancing, and mandatory public mask wearing – quickly became acceptable and commonplace after it was introduced. Regrettably, the same trend is visible when it comes to our response to the government’s non-performance, rampant crime, and economic pressures that we are currently experiencing. The difference is that there is no greater common good that should make us summarily accept the current status quo. We get frustrated and angry when we hear that products cannot get to ports or markets; we shake our heads when we hear about yet another corruption scandal or another murder; we get irritated when power blackouts increase. But instead of speaking out or voicing our concerns in some constructive way, we tend to quickly and quietly find individual ways of working around obstacles such as load-shedding schedules, rather opting for making alternative arrangements and putting up with all the ramifications caused. 

While on some level it is admirable that ordinary South Africans are showing resilience and innovation and increasingly choosing to do things for themselves amid government failures, it is, however, also indicative of an alarming downgrading of our societal values. Things that would create a public uproar in a developed state, and almost automatically lead to picketing and a widely publicised calling to book of the responsible office holders, seem to hardly get a second glance in our battle-weary South African society. We have lowered the bar of what is seen as acceptable. And from there, it can be an alarmingly fast downhill slope to becoming a truly failed state. The fact that government often goes the route of not responding to public objection, should add fuel to the fire of outcries and protests. But unfortunately, it often has the opposite effect, where government silence is met with public silence and a growing sense of national resignation. 

What needs to be done 

The question is: has our current situation created a society that has simply accepted its fate? Or has it created a society that has become more innovative and creative, actively navigating current challenges, and finding new solutions to societal issues independent of government?  And what should be our reaction to the challenges we currently face? 

As with many things, I believe the truth lies somewhere in the middle. While it is vital that ordinary South Africans and the private sector find ways of working around government shortcomings, it is just as important that they remain vocal, pointing out government failures and questioning the conduct and decisions of our elected leaders. Public reaction should, however, not stay with objections alone, but evolve into physical action. There should also be a willingness to work with struggling government institutions and incorporate other role players in order to find real solutions together. As a responsible citizenry, simply being quiet and complacent is our worst option. 

Role of higher education sector 

As vital vehicles in the shaping of our next generation of citizens, universities and other higher education institutions have an important role to play in the current government versus civil society impasse. I believe this role is twofold: on the one hand, we need to educate and encourage young citizens to stand up and make their voices heard against injustice and non-delivery in the public sector. On the other hand, we are also cultivating a next generation of leaders. While they are gracing our campuses, we need to contribute towards instilling ethical values in our leaders of tomorrow and equipping them with a vision that is much broader than just individual needs and wants, but that encompasses the needs of our society as a whole. Our education efforts should always have this all-important developmental focus, where graduate attributes such as critical thinking, community engagement, ethical reasoning, and an entrepreneurial spirit are nurtured and employed in order to build a better country. We should also impress on our youth the importance of forming partnerships and collaborating with various role players from different areas of expertise and sectors of society to work together to reach this common goal.

How do we do this?

I believe an important and obvious basic building block that institutions of higher learning are already providing – and should increasingly be enabled to do – is the creation and expansion of competency through teaching, research, and engagement. By equipping our students with knowledge and skills, we empower them to play an active role in taking our country forward. This should be complemented by social justice competencies, where curricular and co-curricular programmes and activities are used to grow a sense of social justice in our leaders and citizens of tomorrow. These social justice initiatives should also be coupled with the creation of robust platforms for dialogue on topical issues of national interest, where government voices are invited, incorporated, and challenged, but in a constructive, mutually respectful context. Universities should finally also employ their research capacities in various fields to come up with real, practical, and sustainable solutions to societal issues, presenting government with new, innovative, and effective ways of addressing our current national dilemmas. 

It is vital that our leaders – and followers – of tomorrow are sensitised to an important fact: as much as South Africa needs competent, ethical leadership, it also needs an alert, active, involved citizenry to keep those leaders in check. Because a government that is dysfunctional and a society that simply accepts it, makes for a very dangerous combination.

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

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