Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
15 March 2023 | Story Chelepe Mocwana | Photo Grand Epic Photography
Chelepe Mocwana
Chelepe Mocwana serves as the Senior Gender Officer in the Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office within the Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice on the South Campus of the University of the Free State

Opinion article by Chelepe Mocwana, Senior Officer in the University of the Free State Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office.
Gender-Based Violence Challenges Facing Men and Young Boys

Men in South Africa and male students at higher education institutions (HEIs) are faced with the challenge of the social construction of what constitutes a ‘man’. This difficulty is rooted in social norms that are embedded in hetero-patriarchal social systems and beliefs. The manifestation of these beliefs is projected in social realities that are configured within power structures. The scourge of gender-based violence and femicide against women and girls, gender and sexual minorities, is a playout of power dynamics that enable the perpetrator to violate their subject. This form of violence is often perpetuated by men against women or gender and sexual minorities. This is exacerbated and compounded by several issues. 

This includes poverty, socialisation, heteronormativity, political history, mental health, unhealthy sexual practices, and toxic masculinities. Men – especially young men – find themselves without a safe space to express themselves about the challenges they face in society today. Other than men feeling that they have no space to engage, there seems to be a general resistance among men to achieve gender equity and partner with women(x) to eradicate gender-based violence. Some of the resistance is due to the socialisation of men. These are behaviours and cultures that men have adopted over time, normalised, and end up accepting as norms and acceptable behaviour. Men today are faced with the challenge of identity and manhood. 

This begs the question. What does it constitute to be a ‘man’ in this time and age? Issues of manhood and identity among young men today are complex and multifaceted. Historical, cultural, and social factors have played a role in shaping these concepts. In African societies, rituals play a major role in forming our identity and manhood. Some of the narratives around these rituals have led to toxic masculinities and related practices formed by men. Globalisation and social media have influenced men’s views on manhood; therefore, a concerted effort is needed to focus on establishing an identity and manhood that is relevant and applicable to the Global South. 

Why Positive Masculinities

Men must find a space to look at their masculinity again. Therefore, we submit that positive masculinity programmes must be promoted as men engage. The objective of such programmes is to promote healthy and constructive expressions of masculinity. Masculinity that makes men comfortable to express their emotions and to be vulnerable. Spaces where they can engage without being judged when they express themselves. Masculinity that are based on values of respect, empathy, responsibility, and emotional intelligence. Men must challenge harmful gender norms and stereotypes, harmful cultural and social norms that perpetuate toxic and violent expressions of masculinity, gender-based violence, and homophobia, and start to promote more inclusive and equitable social norms.

Men are needed who will empower boys and men. Positive masculinity aims to empower men to become positive role models and leaders in their communities. This involves promoting a sense of responsibility and accountability and encouraging men to use their influence to promote positive social change. Ultimately, the objectives of positive masculinity are to promote a more inclusive, equitable, and just society, where individuals of all genders can thrive and reach their full potential. Accountability entails having awareness and acknowledgment of the power and privilege that comes with patriarchy and male privilege; robustly engaging with institutional policies, procedures, and culture to achieve gender equity; respecting and promoting women’s leadership in the gender space and society in general, and continued cooperation with women and gender activists.

Going into the future

It is time for men to speak up and stop being bystanders and onlookers. It is through the promotion of positive and healthy expressions of masculinity that the scourge of gender-based violence can be eliminated. We will achieve equity when we strive to put women, girls, LGBTQI people, and the most marginalised communities at the centre of our awareness and advocacy efforts. No one should be left behind. Men must be partners in eliminating gender-based violence. Men should listen and take women and children seriously; protect women and children and keep them safe; help them to know their rights to be free from violence and abuse; and choose the man they want to be and/or become.




News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept