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30 May 2023 | Story Dr Mpumelelo Ncube | Photo Supplied
Dr Mpumelelo Ncube
Dr Mpumelelo Ncube is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State.


Opinion article by Dr Mpumelelo Ncube, Head of Department and Senior Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State.


The year 2023 marks the diamond jubilee of the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), currently known as the African Union (AU), which was founded in Addis Ababa. The visionary founders, including President Kwame Nkrumah and Emperor Haile Selassie, aimed to bring about political change in African states and restore the dignity of African people, who had long suffered under colonial subjugation and disenfranchisement. Their vision encompassed a united Africa, free from oppression, governed by self-determination, and destined for prosperity.

Over time, the OAU transformed into the AU, with the intention of accelerating the dream of African unity and eradicating the social, political, and economic challenges that had begun to define African states. Pan-Africanism emerged as a beacon of hope, inspiring many who understood its significance at the organisation's inception. As we reflect on the ideals cherished by the founding fathers and reaffirmed by their successors in 2002, it is crucial to contemplate four of the seventeen aims articulated during the launch of the African Union in Durban.

Unity and solidarity between African countries and their people

Firstly, the AU aims to achieve greater unity and solidarity between African countries and their people. In pursuit of this goal, notable actions have been taken, such as the establishment of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) to maintain peace in conflict zones such as Mali, Sudan, Somalia, and the Central African Republic. Moreover, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the AU set up the Africa Medical Supplies Platform (AMSP) to facilitate the procurement and distribution of medical equipment and supplies throughout the continent. While these achievements are commendable, the majority of the other intentions under this aim lack a concrete plan of action, and the lack of sufficient funding is hampering progress. This presents a cause for concern.

Secondly, the AU pledged to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence of its member states. Despite the development of intervention instruments to support this aim, the organisation has been found wanting at critical junctures. One cannot forget the adoption of Resolution 1973 by the United Nations Security Council, which authorised national governments or regional organisations to impose a no-fly zone in Libya, ultimately leading to the assassination of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Colonel Gadhafi played a pivotal role in the formation of the African Union and declared his vision for the United States of Africa with a single government and one currency. Surprisingly, three AU member states – South Africa, Nigeria, and Gabon – voted in favour of this resolution. Their actions raised doubts about their commitment to defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence of the AU.

Africa faces a harsh reality

Africa, a continent with immense potential for growth and development, faces a harsh reality that cannot be ignored. Its burgeoning population holds great promise for contributing significantly to its advancement. Additionally, Africa is blessed with abundant mineral resources, the prudent management of which could sustain the developmental aspirations of its people. Furthermore, Africa's expansive land mass and diverse climate present valuable opportunities to address crucial concerns such as food and energy security. It is perplexing that Africa, a continent three times the size of the United States of America, continues to lag behind in all aspects of development. The continent has enormous potential to foster growth and development and to compete on a global scale. Regrettably, it has thus far failed to harness this potential, leaving the dream of African prosperity, initially envisioned by the founders of the OAU (AU) and their successors, frustratingly out of reach.

As we commemorate the diamond jubilee of the OAU's establishment, let it serve as a reminder of the vision and determination of its founders. Their dreams for an Africa united, free from oppression, and governed by self-determination still resonate today. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that these dreams are no longer scuppered, but rather transformed into a vibrant reality of African prosperity.

News Archive

CR Swart Memorial Lecture: Mr Cecil le Fleur
2006-08-08

Khoe and San call for government to speed up policy dialogue with indigenous communities  

 Mr Cecil le Fleur, leader of the National Khoe-San Consultative Conference and member of the executive management of the National Khoe-San Council, has called for a national policy on indigenous peoples to protect the human rights and special needs of indigenous people in South Africa.

 Mr Le Fleur delivered the 38th CR Swart Memorial Lecture on the Khoe and San at the University of the Free State (UFS).  He commended the UFS for its serious approach to the Khoe and San and for initiating initiatives such as a research project on the Griqua in which various aspects linked to language, -culture, -history, - leadership, their role in the South African community (past and present) and the conservation of their historical cultural heritages will be covered.   

 “The policy dialogue with indigenous communities initiated by government in 1999 and supported by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), has been exceedingly slow, owing to political and bureaucratic problems,” said Mr Le Fleur.

 According to Mr Le Fleur the slow pace is also impacting negatively on the United Nations’ efforts to expand the international standards and mechanisms for human rights so as to include the special needs of indigenous peoples.

 “The successful adoption of a South African policy would probably have a major impact on the human rights culture of Africa and, more specifically, on the UN system,” he said.

 “South Africa has a powerful moral authority internationally and is willing to use this authority in multilateral forums. At this stage, however, South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) may not take an official position on UN instruments and declarations pertaining to indigenous issues, until the Cabinet has resolved its own domestic policy position,” he said. 

 According to Mr le Fleur it therefore came as a great surprise when the DFA brought out a positive vote in the UN for the adoption of the "Draft Declaration on the Rights of indigenous Peoples" in June this year, even before the completion of the policy process. 

 Policy consolidation in South Africa is the primary key to creating a new policy climate in Africa in order to protect the rights of indigenous peoples.  “The existing constitution of the Republic of South Africa is one of the most liberal on the continent, and embraces the concept of redress of past discrimination.  It already includes a clause (Section 6) making provision for the protection of language rights for Khoe and San peoples - the fist peoples of southern Africa,” he said. 

 “If South Africa can effectively integrate this ‘third generation’ of collective rights within an existing democratic constitution, this will send a clear message to Africa and the world that indigenous rights are a necessary component of human and civil rights in modern democracies,” he said.

 Mr Le Fleur proposed an institutional framework based on set principles that would satisfy the needs and aspirations of the Griqua and other first indigenous peoples in South Africa.  “The proposed framework was based on the notion of vulnerability as a result of colonialism and apartheid, which stripped us of our indigenous identity, cultural identity and pride as people.  This injustice can hardly be addressed within the existing mechanisms provided by the current text of the Constitution,” he said.

 Mr Le Fleur also proposed that the principles of unique first-nation status, as recognised in international law, should be applied in the construction of the framework of the constitutional accommodation for the Khoe and San. 

 Mr Le Fleur further proposed that the Khoe and San’s indigenous status in constitutional terms must be separate from the constitutional acknowledgement of their status as a cultural community, as envisaged in sections 185 and 186 of the Constitution of 1996.

 According to Mr Le Fleur, the suggested mechanism should make provision for structures such as:

  •  A statutory representative council for First Indigenous Peoples of South Africa at a national level;
  • a separate Joint Standing Committee on Indigenous and Traditional Affairs, in both the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces on which the Khoe and San can be represented;
  • a representative structure for the Khoe and San in the legislature of each relevant province; and
  • ex officio membership in the relevant structures of local government.

Media release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Media Representative
Tel:   (051) 401-2584
Cell:  083 645 2454
E-mail:  loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za 
24 August 2006


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