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27 November 2023 | Story Dr Nitha Ramnath and André Damons | Photo SUPPLIED
2023 UFS Thought-Leader Webinar Series
Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), and Dr Max Price, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT), took part in the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education. Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator.

The crisis in South African universities is a crisis of the faction fighting in the ANC. 

This is according to Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), who was a panellist on Tuesday (21 November 2023) at the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education.

Dr Max Price – former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT) – was the other panellist, and Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator. This webinar was part of the 2023 Thought-Leader Webinar Series.

The two academics discussed their respective experiences in leadership positions during the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall student protest movements, the lessons learnt during these tumultuous times, and how these events continue to influence the current landscape in the higher education sector in South Africa and further afield. The discussion also reflected on their respective books – Rebels and Rage: Reflecting on #FeesMustFall, and Statues and Storms: Leading through change. 

Failed to achieve free education

Prof Habib said the social movements were successful in some areas but failed to achieve free education. “There was a big story about concessions around NSFAS. I would argue that it has as much to do with the protests as it has with the faction fighting within the ANC and the character of the former president.”

“We knew that the concessions made by President (Jacob) Zuma will not resolve the financial challenges, the missing-middle challenge remains and the fact that we have continued protests every year is a sign of that. The university crisis is a crisis of the faction fights of the ANC and until we call it out, we will not be able to deal with it,” said Prof Habib.

Rethink student governance 

He also talked about social struggles turning violent and said there is a romanticisation of violence in South Africa. A hard line against violence needs to be taken, said Prof Habib, and the only way to deal with it is to get the balance right in terms of acculturation and accountability, and proactive behaviour to engage with students and management, staff, and unions about what is acceptable practice and what is not. 

Prof Habib further said that there is a need to rethink student governance: “I don’t mean politics; I mean party politics. Too much of student governance is about the ANC competing with the DA, competing with the EFF. They are fighting universities on policies their political parties created the policies on. Their political parties created the policy infrastructure for the crisis in universities and then they are protesting against it.” 

“I want to be clear – student politics is important; however, student party politics is paralysing our institutions and there is something to be said about how we get student governance to represent the views of students as opposed to representing the views of the political parties. I don’t think we will sort out the problem of student governance until we get political parties out of the student governance of universities.”

Dr Price agreed that ideally, political parties should not contest student government elections. “National party politics neglects the real agenda. It seems that the real agenda of students is to advance the interests of national party politics and sharpen the ANC.”  He also reflected on how national party politics and the split within the ANC played out within the campuses through canvassing to sharpen the ANC, neglecting the real agenda of representing student issues. Nothing the vice-chancellors or management of universities could offer was satisfying, because the main purpose of students was to show up by shutting down universities.

“One cannot stop students from forming a slate representing common interests. However, it is difficult to determine if students form a slate as a front for the interest of political parties,” said Dr Price.

According to Prof Habib, compared to five years ago, R35 billion more is spent on universities, and if universities are not more stable and produce better graduates, this will be happening annually. 

Proactive on strategic issues

Dr Price reflected on whether being proactive as institutions can prevent protest actions, with reference to the Rhodes statue and the fallist movement. According to him, although Rhodes – for example – was on the agenda a year or two prior to the #Rhodesmustfall fallist movement, there was no agreement on taking down the statue, as their judgment was that it would not only be controversial, but also divisive. “The fallist movement tipped the balance and, largely through social media, educated a much larger audience than was ever interested in Rhodes.”

According to Prof Habib, a diverse understanding was and is required about reimagining statues – this is not just about the Rhodes statue, but about many things in South Africa. “Leadership is possible not only when people are on the streets; some kind of proactive movement is possible on big strategic questions. One of them that was long possible was the rethinking of financing universities, which we should not be surprised about. The failure was not that of universities, but instead the failure of the political class who refused to recognise that we were heading for a crisis, although they were told multiple times,” Prof Habib said.

Prof Habib concluded by emphasising that the indulgence of violence is destroying society. “Until progressives and those who claim to be progressives start developing a pragmatic and principled understanding of violence and not romanticising it, we will be in trouble. Structural and physical violence breaks the social pact that underlies democratic societies.”

News Archive

The TRC legitimised apartheid - Mamdani
2010-07-20

 Prof. Mahmood Mamdani
“The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) accepted as legitimate the rule of law that undergirded apartheid. It defined as crime only those acts that would have been considered criminal under the laws of apartheid.”

This statement was made by the internationally acclaimed scholar, Prof. Mahmood Mamdani, when he delivered the Africa Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State (UFS) last week on the topic: Lessons of Nuremberg and Codesa: Where do we go from here?

“According to the TRC, though crimes were committed under apartheid, apartheid itself – including the law enforced by the apartheid state – was not a crime,” he said.

He said the social justice challenges that South Africa faced today were as a result of the TRC’s failure to broaden the discussion of justice beyond political to social justice.

He said it had to go beyond “the liberal focus on bodily integrity” and acknowledge the violence that deprived the vast majority of South Africans of their means of livelihood.

“Had the TRC acknowledged pass laws and forced removals as constituting the core social violence of apartheid, as the stuff of extra-economic coercion and primitive accumulation, it would have been in a position to imagine a socio-economic order beyond a liberalised post-apartheid society,” he said.

“It would have been able to highlight the question of justice in its fullness, and not only as criminal and political, but also as social.”

He said the TRC failed to go beyond the political reconciliation achieved at Codesa and laid the foundation for a social reconciliation. “It was unable to think beyond crime and punishment,” he said.

He said it recognised as victims only individuals and not groups, and human rights violations only as violations of “the bodily integrity of an individual”; that is, only torture and murder.

“How could this be when apartheid was brazenly an ideology of group oppression and appropriation? How could the TRC make a clear-cut distinction between violence against persons and that against property when most group violence under apartheid constituted extra-economic coercion, in other words, it was against both person and property?”, he asked.

“The TRC was credible as performance, as theatre, but failed as a social project”.

Prof. Mamdani is the Director of the Institute of Social Research at the Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda; and the Herbert Lehman Professor of Government in the Department of Anthropology at the Columbia University in New York, USA.

Media Release
Issued by: Mangaliso Radebe
Assistant Director: Media Liaison
Tel: 051 401 2828
Cell: 078 460 3320
E-mail: radebemt@ufs.ac.za  
20 July 2010
 

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