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2023 UFS Thought-Leader Webinar Series
Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), and Dr Max Price, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT), took part in the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education. Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator.

The crisis in South African universities is a crisis of the faction fighting in the ANC. 

This is according to Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), who was a panellist on Tuesday (21 November 2023) at the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education.

Dr Max Price – former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT) – was the other panellist, and Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator. This webinar was part of the 2023 Thought-Leader Webinar Series.

The two academics discussed their respective experiences in leadership positions during the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall student protest movements, the lessons learnt during these tumultuous times, and how these events continue to influence the current landscape in the higher education sector in South Africa and further afield. The discussion also reflected on their respective books – Rebels and Rage: Reflecting on #FeesMustFall, and Statues and Storms: Leading through change. 

Failed to achieve free education

Prof Habib said the social movements were successful in some areas but failed to achieve free education. “There was a big story about concessions around NSFAS. I would argue that it has as much to do with the protests as it has with the faction fighting within the ANC and the character of the former president.”

“We knew that the concessions made by President (Jacob) Zuma will not resolve the financial challenges, the missing-middle challenge remains and the fact that we have continued protests every year is a sign of that. The university crisis is a crisis of the faction fights of the ANC and until we call it out, we will not be able to deal with it,” said Prof Habib.

Rethink student governance 

He also talked about social struggles turning violent and said there is a romanticisation of violence in South Africa. A hard line against violence needs to be taken, said Prof Habib, and the only way to deal with it is to get the balance right in terms of acculturation and accountability, and proactive behaviour to engage with students and management, staff, and unions about what is acceptable practice and what is not. 

Prof Habib further said that there is a need to rethink student governance: “I don’t mean politics; I mean party politics. Too much of student governance is about the ANC competing with the DA, competing with the EFF. They are fighting universities on policies their political parties created the policies on. Their political parties created the policy infrastructure for the crisis in universities and then they are protesting against it.” 

“I want to be clear – student politics is important; however, student party politics is paralysing our institutions and there is something to be said about how we get student governance to represent the views of students as opposed to representing the views of the political parties. I don’t think we will sort out the problem of student governance until we get political parties out of the student governance of universities.”

Dr Price agreed that ideally, political parties should not contest student government elections. “National party politics neglects the real agenda. It seems that the real agenda of students is to advance the interests of national party politics and sharpen the ANC.”  He also reflected on how national party politics and the split within the ANC played out within the campuses through canvassing to sharpen the ANC, neglecting the real agenda of representing student issues. Nothing the vice-chancellors or management of universities could offer was satisfying, because the main purpose of students was to show up by shutting down universities.

“One cannot stop students from forming a slate representing common interests. However, it is difficult to determine if students form a slate as a front for the interest of political parties,” said Dr Price.

According to Prof Habib, compared to five years ago, R35 billion more is spent on universities, and if universities are not more stable and produce better graduates, this will be happening annually. 

Proactive on strategic issues

Dr Price reflected on whether being proactive as institutions can prevent protest actions, with reference to the Rhodes statue and the fallist movement. According to him, although Rhodes – for example – was on the agenda a year or two prior to the #Rhodesmustfall fallist movement, there was no agreement on taking down the statue, as their judgment was that it would not only be controversial, but also divisive. “The fallist movement tipped the balance and, largely through social media, educated a much larger audience than was ever interested in Rhodes.”

According to Prof Habib, a diverse understanding was and is required about reimagining statues – this is not just about the Rhodes statue, but about many things in South Africa. “Leadership is possible not only when people are on the streets; some kind of proactive movement is possible on big strategic questions. One of them that was long possible was the rethinking of financing universities, which we should not be surprised about. The failure was not that of universities, but instead the failure of the political class who refused to recognise that we were heading for a crisis, although they were told multiple times,” Prof Habib said.

Prof Habib concluded by emphasising that the indulgence of violence is destroying society. “Until progressives and those who claim to be progressives start developing a pragmatic and principled understanding of violence and not romanticising it, we will be in trouble. Structural and physical violence breaks the social pact that underlies democratic societies.”

News Archive

SA universities are becoming the battlegrounds for political gain
2010-11-02

Prof. Kalie Strydom.

No worthwhile contribution can be made to higher education excellence if you do not understand and acknowledge the devastating, but unfortunately unavoidable role of party politics in the system and universities of higher education and training (HET).

This statement was made by Prof. Kalie Strydom during his valedictory lecture made on the Main Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS) in Bloemfontein recently.

Prof. Strydom, who was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the UFS in 2010, presented a lecture on the theme: The Long Walk to Higher Education and Training Excellence: The Struggle of Comrades and Racists. He provided perspectives on politics in higher education and training (HET) and shared different examples explaining the meaning of excellence in HET in relation to politics.

“At the HET systems level I was fortunate to participate in the deliberations in the early nineties to prepare policy perspectives that could be used by the ANC in HET policy making after the 1994 elections.  At these deliberations one of the important issues discussed was the typical educational and training pyramid recognised in many countries, to establish and maintain successful education and training. The educational pyramid in successful countries was compared to the SA “inverted” pyramid that had already originated during apartheid for all races, but unfortunately exploded during the 16 years of democracy to a dangerous situation of 3 million out-of school and post-school youth with very few education and training opportunities,” he said.

In his lecture, Prof. Strydom answered questions like: Why could we as higher educationists not persuade the new democratically elected government to create a successful education and training pyramid with a strong intermediate college sector in the nineties?  What was the politics like in the early and late nineties about disallowing the acceptance of the successful pyramid of education and training?  Why do we only now in the latest DHET strategic planning 2010–2015 have this successful pyramid as a basis for policymaking and planning?

At an institutional level he explained the role of politics by referring to the Reitz incident at the UFS and the infamous Soudien report on racism in higher education in South Africa highlighting explosive racial situations in our universities and the country.  “To understand this situation we need to acknowledge that we are battling with complex biases influencing the racial situation,” he said.

“White and black, staff and students at our universities are constantly battling with the legacy of the past which is being used, abused and conveniently forgotten, as well as critical events that white and black experience every day of their lives, feeding polarisation of extreme views while eroding common ground.  Examples vary from the indoctrination and prejudice that is continued within most homes, churches and schools; mass media full of murder, rape, corruption; political parties skewing difficult issues for indiscrete political gain; to frustrating non-delivery in almost all spheres of life which frustrates and irritates everyone, all feeding racial stereo typing and prejudice,” said Prof. Strydom.

A South African philosopher, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse, recently used the metaphor of an “Elephant in our lounge” to describe the syndrome of racism that is part of the lives of white and black South Africans in very different ways. He indicated that all of us are aware of the elephant, but we choose not to talk about it, an attitude described by Ruth Frankenberg as ‘colour evasiveness’, which denies the nature and scope of the problem.

Constructs related to race are so contentious that most stakeholders and role-players are unwilling to confront the meanings that they assign to very prominent dimensions of their experience; neither does management at the institutions have enough staff (higher educationists?) with the competencies to interrogate these meanings, or generate shared meanings amongst staff and students (common ground).  A good example that could be compared with “the elephant in our lounge” remark is the recent paper of Prof. Jonathan Jansen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS on race categorisation in education and training.

According to Prof. Strydom, universities in South Africa are increasingly becoming the battlegrounds for political gain which creates a polarised atmosphere on campuses and crowds out the moderate middle ground, thereby subverting the role and function of the university as an institution within a specific context, interpreted globally and locally. 

Striving for excellence, mostly free from the negative influences of politics, in HET, from the point of view of the higher educationist, is that we should, through comparative literature review and research, re-conceptualise the university as an institution in a specific context.  This entails carefully considering environment and the positioning of the university leading to a specific institutional culture and recognising the fact that institutional cultures are complicated by many subcultures in academe (faculties) and student life (residences/new generations of commuter students).

Another way forward in striving for excellence, mostly free from politics, is to ensure that we understand the complexities of governing a university better.  D.W. Leslie (2003) mentions formidable tasks related to governance influenced by politics:

  • Balancing legitimacy and effectiveness.
  • Leading along two dimensions: getting work done and engaging people.
  • Differentiating between formal university structures and the functions of universities as they adapt and evolve.
  • Bridging the divergence between cultural and operational imperatives of the bureaucratic and professional sides of the university.

Prof. Strydom concluded by stating that it is possible to continue with an almost never ending list of important themes in HE studies adding perspectives on why it is so easy to misuse universities for politics instead of recognising our responsibility to carefully consider contributions to transformation in such an immensely complicated institution as the university within a higher education and training system. 

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication (acting)
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl@ufs.ac.za
29 October 2010

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