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27 November 2023 | Story Dr Nitha Ramnath and André Damons | Photo SUPPLIED
2023 UFS Thought-Leader Webinar Series
Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), and Dr Max Price, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT), took part in the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education. Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator.

The crisis in South African universities is a crisis of the faction fighting in the ANC. 

This is according to Prof Adam Habib, Director: School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), who was a panellist on Tuesday (21 November 2023) at the University of the Free State (UFS) Thought-Leader webinar titled, Student protest action, politics, and higher education.

Dr Max Price – former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT) – was the other panellist, and Prof Francis Petersen, UFS Vice-Chancellor and Principal, was the facilitator. This webinar was part of the 2023 Thought-Leader Webinar Series.

The two academics discussed their respective experiences in leadership positions during the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall student protest movements, the lessons learnt during these tumultuous times, and how these events continue to influence the current landscape in the higher education sector in South Africa and further afield. The discussion also reflected on their respective books – Rebels and Rage: Reflecting on #FeesMustFall, and Statues and Storms: Leading through change. 

Failed to achieve free education

Prof Habib said the social movements were successful in some areas but failed to achieve free education. “There was a big story about concessions around NSFAS. I would argue that it has as much to do with the protests as it has with the faction fighting within the ANC and the character of the former president.”

“We knew that the concessions made by President (Jacob) Zuma will not resolve the financial challenges, the missing-middle challenge remains and the fact that we have continued protests every year is a sign of that. The university crisis is a crisis of the faction fights of the ANC and until we call it out, we will not be able to deal with it,” said Prof Habib.

Rethink student governance 

He also talked about social struggles turning violent and said there is a romanticisation of violence in South Africa. A hard line against violence needs to be taken, said Prof Habib, and the only way to deal with it is to get the balance right in terms of acculturation and accountability, and proactive behaviour to engage with students and management, staff, and unions about what is acceptable practice and what is not. 

Prof Habib further said that there is a need to rethink student governance: “I don’t mean politics; I mean party politics. Too much of student governance is about the ANC competing with the DA, competing with the EFF. They are fighting universities on policies their political parties created the policies on. Their political parties created the policy infrastructure for the crisis in universities and then they are protesting against it.” 

“I want to be clear – student politics is important; however, student party politics is paralysing our institutions and there is something to be said about how we get student governance to represent the views of students as opposed to representing the views of the political parties. I don’t think we will sort out the problem of student governance until we get political parties out of the student governance of universities.”

Dr Price agreed that ideally, political parties should not contest student government elections. “National party politics neglects the real agenda. It seems that the real agenda of students is to advance the interests of national party politics and sharpen the ANC.”  He also reflected on how national party politics and the split within the ANC played out within the campuses through canvassing to sharpen the ANC, neglecting the real agenda of representing student issues. Nothing the vice-chancellors or management of universities could offer was satisfying, because the main purpose of students was to show up by shutting down universities.

“One cannot stop students from forming a slate representing common interests. However, it is difficult to determine if students form a slate as a front for the interest of political parties,” said Dr Price.

According to Prof Habib, compared to five years ago, R35 billion more is spent on universities, and if universities are not more stable and produce better graduates, this will be happening annually. 

Proactive on strategic issues

Dr Price reflected on whether being proactive as institutions can prevent protest actions, with reference to the Rhodes statue and the fallist movement. According to him, although Rhodes – for example – was on the agenda a year or two prior to the #Rhodesmustfall fallist movement, there was no agreement on taking down the statue, as their judgment was that it would not only be controversial, but also divisive. “The fallist movement tipped the balance and, largely through social media, educated a much larger audience than was ever interested in Rhodes.”

According to Prof Habib, a diverse understanding was and is required about reimagining statues – this is not just about the Rhodes statue, but about many things in South Africa. “Leadership is possible not only when people are on the streets; some kind of proactive movement is possible on big strategic questions. One of them that was long possible was the rethinking of financing universities, which we should not be surprised about. The failure was not that of universities, but instead the failure of the political class who refused to recognise that we were heading for a crisis, although they were told multiple times,” Prof Habib said.

Prof Habib concluded by emphasising that the indulgence of violence is destroying society. “Until progressives and those who claim to be progressives start developing a pragmatic and principled understanding of violence and not romanticising it, we will be in trouble. Structural and physical violence breaks the social pact that underlies democratic societies.”

News Archive

Weideman focuses on misconceptions with regard to survival of Afrikaans
2006-05-19

From the left are Prof Magda Fourie (Vice-Rector: Academic Planning), Prof Gerhardt de Klerk (Dean: Faculty of the Humanities), George Weideman and Prof Bernard  Odendaal (acting head of the UFS  Department of Afrikaans and Dutch, German and French). 
Photo (Stephen Collett):

Weideman focuses on misconceptions with regard to survival of Afrikaans

On the survival of a language a persistent and widespread misconception exists that a “language will survive as long as people speak the language”. This argument ignores the higher functions of a language and leaves no room for the personal and historic meaning of a language, said the writer George Weideman.

He delivered the D.F. Malherbe Memorial Lecture organised by the Department Afrikaans at the University of the Free State (UFS). Dr. Weideman is a retired lecturer and now full-time writer. In his lecture on the writer’s role and responsibility with regard to language, he also focused on the language debate at the University of Stellenbosch (US).

He said the “as-long-as-it-is spoken” misconception ignores the characteristics and growth of literature and other cultural phenomena. Constitutional protection is also not a guarantee. It will not stop a language of being reduced to a colloquial language in which the non-standard form will be elevated to the norm. A language only grows when it standard form is enriched by non-standard forms; not when its standard form withers. The growth or deterioration of a language is seen in the growth or decline in its use in higher functions. The less functions a language has, the smaller its chance to survive.

He said Afrikaans speaking people are credulous and have misplaced trust. It shows in their uncritical attitude with regard to the shifts in university policies, university management and teaching practices. Afrikaners have this credulity perhaps because they were spoilt by white supremacy, or because the political liberation process did not free them from a naïve and slavish trust in government.

If we accept that a university is a kind of barometer for the position of a language, then the institutionalised second placing of Afrikaans at most tertiary institutions is not a good sign for the language, he said.

An additional problem is the multiplying effect with, for instance, education students. If there is no need for Afrikaans in schools, there will also be no  need for Afrikaans at universities, and visa versa.

The tolerance factor of Afrikaans speaking people is for some reasons remarkably high with regard to other languages – and more specifically English. With many Afrikaans speaking people in the post-apartheid era it can be ascribed to their guilt about Afrikaans. With some coloured and mostly black Afrikaans speaking people it can be ascribed to the continued rejection of Afrikaans because of its negative connotation with apartheid – even when Afrikaans is the home language of a large segment of the previously oppressed population.

He said no one disputes the fact that universities play a changing role in a transformed society. The principle of “friendliness” towards other languages does not apply the other way round. It is general knowledge that Afrikaans is, besides isiZulu and isiXhosa, the language most spoken by South Africans.

It is typical of an imperialistic approach that the campaigners for a language will be accused of emotional involvement, of sentimentality, of longing for bygone days, of an unwillingness to focus on the future, he said.

He said whoever ignores the emotional aspect of a language, knows nothing about a language. To ignore the emotional connection with a language, leads to another misconception: That the world will be a better place without conflict if the so-called “small languages” disappear because “nationalism” and “language nationalism” often move closely together. This is one of the main reasons why Afrikaans speaking people are still very passive with regard to the Anglicising process: They are not “immune” to the broad influence that promotes English.

It is left to those who use Afrikaans to fight for the language. This must not take place in isolation. Writers and publishers must find more ways to promote Afrikaans.

Some universities took the road to Anglicision: the US and University of Pretoria need to be referred to, while there is still a future for Afrikaans at the Northwest University and the UFS with its parallel-medium policies. Continued debate is necessary.

It is unpreventable that the protest over what is happening to Afrikaans and the broad Afrikaans speaking community must take on a stronger form, he said.

 

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