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Prof Francis Petersen
Prof Francis Petersen is the Vice-Chancellor and Principal of the University of the Free State (UFS).

Opinion article by Prof Francis Petersen, Vice-Chancellor and Principal of the University of the Free State.


Unemployment remains one of the biggest enemies of our beleaguered South African economy. With education remaining the most important strategy to combat it, a university degree is undoubtedly one of the most effective weapons in the higher education arsenal.

The problem, however, is that a significant part of our student cohorts at South African universities is made up of individuals whose skills, career aspirations, and interests make them much better suited for vocational, technical, or artisanal training.

They represent a growing opportunity cost for post-school education in South Africa. And their presence necessitates an urgent, renewed focus on and comprehensive rethinking of tertiary study choices, says Prof Francis Petersen.

At our 26 public universities, we have become accustomed to the start of each academic year being marked by a deluge of first-year applications – with numbers that are completely out of kilter with the reality of available space. At the University of the Free State, for instance, this year we had 250 000 applications from prospective first-time entry students for the 8 100 available first-year spaces across our seven faculties. This is a ratio of roughly 30 to 1. Bearing in mind that many students apply to more than one institution, these colossal numbers are still indicative of an overwhelming interest in a university education that simply cannot be met by our existing institutions and facilities.

Perception of university vs TVET education

The solution does not necessarily lie in expanding universities’ capacity, or in building new universities or even expanding online offerings – but rather in exploiting the full potential of our technical and vocational education and training (TVET) college sector. These colleges have a vital role to play in equipping potential job seekers for the requirements of the world of work and ensuring a more integrated economy. There is, however, a prevailing perception that universities offer a far superior education and should be pursued above anything else. This narrow perspective fails to acknowledge the potential of certain individuals to thrive in non-academic pursuits, such as dedicated entrepreneurship, vocational training, or purely creative endeavours.  On the other hand, TVET colleges are often (wrongly) seen as a last resort for students who have not met the entry requirements at universities. These students often view TVET colleges simply as a ‘waiting station’ where they spend some time before ultimately re-applying to a university.

Making the right higher education choice

One should by no means deny the indispensable role of universities in equipping workers for the job market. But it is important to acknowledge that a university education is not the sole measure of a job seeker’s intelligence, capability or potential, nor is it the only route to success.

When making a decision around higher education studies, it is important to keep in mind the unique characteristics of each type of institution. Universities are marked by a more in-depth academic focus, characterised by critical thinking, research, analysis, networking, and engaged scholarship. TVET colleges, on the other hand, focus on providing practical, hands-on skills that are directly applicable in the workplace, with a clear emphasis on equipping students for specific trades and occupations. In both instances, successful graduates are prepared for careers that can be equally fulfilling and lucrative.

Aligning skills with job market demands

In South Africa there is a growing demand for skilled workers in sectors such as construction, manufacturing, and technology. There is also a dire need for scarce artisanal skills, such as boilermakers, plumbers, and electricians.  On top of this, the rapid pace of technological advancement has created new opportunities that do not necessarily require a university education to capitalise on. Skills such as coding, digital marketing, and graphic design can be acquired through online and self-directed learning. In the end, the private sector and industry need a combination of skills, trades, and knowledge in order to ensure a varied, integrated economy.

The skewed distribution of university enrolments in the post-school sector results in an unfortunate opportunity cost for the wider economy, as students who were supposed to boost another sector are spending their time pursuing university studies that they may not complete successfully or turn into a viable, fulfilling, sustainable career. Despite concerted efforts by universities to ensure the success of our students, it is estimated that around 40% of all first-year students in South Africa do not complete their degrees. A major reason for this lies in the fact that they make uninformed and ill-considered study choices.

Potential of a healthy TVET sector

The TVET sector in South Africa has faced historic challenges, with several attempts over the years to address and rectify them. These interventions unfortunately did not deliver the expected results. TVET colleges are currently still struggling with the implementation of effective management, efficient performance, and becoming institutions of first choice. In some cases, they are also battling with inadequate infrastructure and facilities. An overarching challenge remains the creation of a better alignment between education and training and the needs of the world of work. Although there are partnerships between industry and the private sectors and TVET colleges, this need to be enhanced considerably with more strategic intent.

Government seems to have acknowledged the need to market and promote TVET colleges more aggressively. Higher Education, Science and Technology Minister, Blade Nzimande, has been urging students to consider TVET colleges, announcing that blended learning models are to be considered to further expand accessibility. This, together with extended government learnerships and internships for TVET graduates, points to a real commitment towards strengthening this sector and establishing it as a driver in addressing inequality, unemployment, and poverty. Currently, around 500 000 students are accommodated in South Africa’s 50 registered public TVET colleges. This number is still substantially lower than the National Development Plan’s target of having 1.25 million students enrolled in the TVET sector by 2030. This will be in line with international trends to move towards making technical and vocational training more responsive to the labour market – increasing economic competitiveness and enhancing social cohesion in the process. It would, however, be irresponsible and shortsighted to simply expand enrolments without urgently attending to the issues of infrastructure, resources, human capital, and relevance.

Combating prevailing stigma

The root of many of the warped perceptions around technical and vocational training can be traced back to the apartheid era, which was marked by the exclusion of black people from much of the economy. This resulted in very few qualified black artisans in particular sectors, and an artisan sector in South Africa that was marked by coercive and exploitative relationships between master craftsmen and novices. In short, vocational training was used as a tool for social engineering, keeping black South Africans restricted to a certain level of skill and mastery. Any efforts to strengthen our current TVET sector will have to start with addressing the archaic perceptions around it, and firmly and deliberately establishing a new culture marked by accessibility, equity, and unhindered development opportunities.

Addressing career paths at a basic education level

Strengthening our TVET sector is, however, only part of the solution. A major challenge remains guiding our South African youth on career paths that resonate with their inherent skills, interests, and aptitudes and that aligns with job market realities – and doing so from early on. It is essential that more attention is paid to career preparation on a basic education level that is consistently re-visited throughout learners’ schooling journeys.

I firmly believe that in most cases, despite a less than ideal basic education background, our South African youth have the potential and the tenacity to make a success of higher education studies.  What they do need, however, is proper guidance and strong viable options in order to make informed, well-considered choices about their career paths.

News Archive

Media: Sunday Times
2006-05-20

Sunday Times, 4 June 2006

True leadership may mean admitting disunity
 

In this edited extract from the inaugural King Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State, Professor Njabulo S Ndebele explores the leadership challenges facing South Africa

RECENT events have created a sense that we are undergoing a serious crisis of leadership in our new democracy. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and committed South Africans, across class, racial and cultural spectrums, confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994.

When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. We have the sense that events are spiralling out of control and that no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a definitive handle on things.

There can be nothing more debilitating than a generalised and undefined sense of anxiety in the body politic. It breeds conspiracies and fear.

There is an impression that a very complex society has developed, in the last few years, a rather simple, centralised governance mechanism in the hope that delivery can be better and more quickly driven. The complexity of governance then gets located within a single structure of authority rather than in the devolved structures envisaged in the Constitution, which should interact with one another continuously, and in response to their specific settings, to achieve defined goals. Collapse in a single structure of authority, because there is no robust backup, can be catastrophic.

The autonomy of devolved structures presents itself as an impediment only when visionary cohesion collapses. Where such cohesion is strong, the impediment is only illusory, particularly when it encourages healthy competition, for example, among the provinces, or where a province develops a character that is not necessarily autonomous politically but rather distinctive and a special source of regional pride. Such competition brings vibrancy to the country. It does not necessarily challenge the centre.

Devolved autonomy is vital in the interests of sustainable governance. The failure of various structures to actualise their constitutionally defined roles should not be attributed to the failure of the prescribed governance mechanism. It is too early to say that what we have has not worked. The only viable corrective will be in our ability to be robust in identifying the problems and dealing with them concertedly.

We have never had social cohesion in South Africa — certainly not since the Natives’ Land Act of 1913. What we definitely have had over the decades is a mobilising vision. Could it be that the mobilising vision, mistaken for social cohesion, is cracking under the weight of the reality and extent of social reconstruction, and that the legitimate framework for debating these problems is collapsing? If that is so, are we witnessing a cumulative failure of leadership?

I am making a descriptive rather than an evaluative inquiry. I do not believe that there is any single entity to be blamed. It is simply that we may be a country in search of another line of approach. What will it be?

I would like to suggest two avenues of approach — an inclusive model and a counter-intuitive model of leadership.

In an inclusive approach, leadership is exercised not only by those who have been put in some position of power to steer an organisation or institution. Leadership is what all of us do when we express, sincerely, our deepest feelings and thoughts; when we do our work, whatever it is, with passion and integrity.

Counter-intuitive leadership lies in the ability of leaders to read a problematic situation, assess probable outcomes and then recognise that those outcomes will only compound the problem. Genuine leadership, in this sense, requires going against probability in seeking unexpected outcomes. That’s what happened when we avoided a civil war and ended up with an “unexpected” democracy.

Right now, we may very well hear desperate calls for unity, when the counter-intuitive imperative would be to acknowledge disunity. A declaration of unity where it manifestly does not appear to exist will fail to reassure.

Many within the “broad alliance” might have the view that the mobilising vision of old may have transformed into a strategy of executive steering with a disposition towards an expectation of compliance. No matter how compelling the reasons for that tendency, it may be seen as part of a cumulative process in which popular notions of democratic governance are apparently undermined and devalued; and where public uncertainty in the midst of seeming crisis induces fear which could freeze public thinking at a time when more voices ought to be heard.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of opposition? We are horrified that any of us could be seen to have become “the opposition”. The word has been demonised. In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there is no longer a single, overwhelmingly dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of history. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than seek to prevent it. We see here once more the essential creativity of the counter-intuitive imperative.

This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement. Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it is currently, and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest in different articulations, which then contend for social influence. In this way, the vision never really dies; it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. Consider the metaphor of flying ants replicating the ant community by establishing new ones.

We may certainly experience the meaning of comradeship differently, where we will now have “comrades on the other side”.

Any political movement that imagines itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few movements have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early ’90s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed leading up to the adoption or our Constitution?

This is not a time for repeating old platitudes. It is the time, once more, for vision.

In the total scheme of things, the outcome could be as disastrous as it could be formative and uplifting, setting in place the conditions for a true renaissance that could be sustained for generations to come.

Ndebele is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town and author of the novel The Cry of Winnie Mandela

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