Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
06 December 2024 Photo Supplied
Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa
Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre for Labour Law in the Department of Mercantile Law, UFS.

Opinion article by Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa, Postdoctoral Researcher: Centre for Labour Law in the Department of Mercantile Law, University of the Free State.


There has been a spike in the number of children either getting sick or dying from eating snacks bought in spaza shops. It is known that consumption of fake food poses a danger to one’s health. Such foods contain toxic chemicals and ingredients that may not be safe for human consumption. Below, I analyse the regulations and legislation in place to regulate and penalise businesses that sell food products not fit for human consumption.

The recent deaths of dozens of children who consumed unsafe food sold in unregulated spaza shops shocked the nation and caused outrage, emphasising the need for change in the informal food retail sector. Some media reported that since the beginning of September this year, a total of 890 incidents of food-borne illnesses have been reported across all provinces. These events demand immediate action, with President Cyril Ramaphosa mandating all spaza shops to register within 21 working days.

Though most have welcomed and praised the president’s decisive action, some are blaming the government and more so, foreign-run spaza shops. The country has the all the laws in place to not only police and act against perpetrators, but to also prevent tragic incidents like these. These laws include the South African Regulation R638 of 2018 for Food Premises, South African Regulation R146 of 2010 for Food Labelling, the South African Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA), and municipal by-laws. These laws just need to be enforced. With all spaza shops enforced to be registered, it will make it much easier to shut down shops that are not registered and prosecute those who might be selling foods that have either expired or are fake. However, the problem is much deeper than this, considering the growing animosity towards foreign-owned spaza shops taking away business opportunities from local citizens.

South African Regulation R638 of 2018 for Food Premises

This regulation outlines the required hygiene standards and food safety practices that businesses, including spaza shops, must set up. Environmental Health Practitioners (EHP) can enforce these regulations by conducting inspections and providing guidance to shop owners. In a situation where fake or expired foodstuffs are found on shelves, they must be removed and confiscated by the EHP to be destroyed. In terms of provision 15, a person who violates these regulations will be guilty of an offence and liable to a penalty in terms of section 18(1) of the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972). First-time offenders are fined an amount of R400, or six months’ imprisonment or both a fine and imprisonment. Second-time offenders are fined R800, or 12-month prison sentence or both a fine and imprisonment. Third-time offenders are fined R2 000 and imprisonment for a period not exceeding 24 months or a fine and imprisonment.

South African Regulation R146 of 2010 for Food Labelling

These regulations govern the proper labelling of food products to ensure consumers have proper information on the product they intend to buy. Information on the label relates to contents and expiry dates. However, this regulation is problematic in the sense that expiry dates are not prescribed by law. Manufacturers determine what is appropriate in terms of an expiry date. This is bound to encourage manipulation of expiry dates, putting consumers’ health at risk. The regulations do not mention anything about penalties for offenders. It is presumed that businesses that breach this act are charged in terms of section 18(1) of the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972).

The South African Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA)

The CPA provides protection measures for consumers that include the right to safe and quality goods. Consumers have a right to return harmful products and issue complaints about such products. Complaints can be sent to the Provisional Consumer Authorities (PCA) or the National Consumer Commission (NCC). Selling of fake or expired food falls under the category of “unconscionable conduct”, “misleading” or “deceptive” practices. The NCT presides over such cases. A person convicted of such an offence may be liable to a fine or imprisonment for a period not exceeding 12 months or both a fine and imprisonment. The NCT may impose administrative fines not exceeding 10% of the violator's annual turnover in a financial year.

Most spaza shops obtain their goods from wholesalers who are off the hook from prosecution. The media appear to show only one side of the problem, the spaza shop, but not the wholesaler.

The NCC is not using its powers effectively in terms of section 73 to refer matters to the NPA of wholesalers who sell expired foods.

The NCT may also issue a compliance notice should a wholesaler be found to have been selling expired or fake foods. If the conduct continues or the wholesaler does not cooperate, the matter can be referred to the NPA in terms of Section 100.

Municipal by-laws

Municipalities such as Mangaung have by-laws relating to spaza shops but there appear not to be enough health inspectors to conduct the necessary inspections to ensure fake or expired food are not sold in such shops. Necessary financial resources must be available to ensure that municipalities can carry out their mandate effectively in supporting provincial consumer authorities, the NCC, NCT and NPA towards curbing the problem of expired and fake foods.

Conclusion

A Draconian approach is needed to mitigate the surge in the sale of expired and fake foods. The Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972) is rather outdated regarding the present spike in the number of fake and expired foods for sale. The CPA gives powers to the NCC and NCT to report business practices to the NPA that are either harmful or prejudicial to consumers. These powers must be used effectively. Secondly, the fines imposed are too lenient. R400 or even R2 000 are too low to deter individuals from repeating the offence.

A register of offenders is needed for manufacturers, wholesalers and shops that sell expired or fake foods. To make this effective, all individuals convicted by the NPA must be listed in this offenders’ register. Such a register must be published in the government gazette for easy access by the public. This will be a deterrent to the sale of expired or fake foods or foods allegedly containing poison.

This will avoid the situation where consumers take it upon themselves to go on social media and raise awareness of products people should not buy. For instance, recently, a video went viral of a person warning people not to buy certain 1.25l Coca-Cola bottles because the serial numbers displayed on the bottle were not consistent with other serial numbers. 

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept